Leandro N. Alem

Leandro N. Alem (Balvanera, Buenos Aires, March 11, 1842 – Ib., July 1, 1896) was an Argentine lawyer, politician, revolutionary, statesman, and Freemason., noted for having founded the Radical Civic Union and led two armed insurrections. Baptized as Leandro Alen, he himself changed his last name as a young man, replacing the final n with an m. Traditionally his name has been written as Leandro N. Alem and, in some cases, as Leandro Nicéforo Alem , although his middle name is the subject of debate among scholars. historians.

He began in politics from the Autonomist Party of Adolfo Alsina, for which he would be a provincial deputy on two occasions. He was also a national representative for the Republican Party.

In 1890 he was one of the founders of the Civic Union and political leader of the failed Parque Revolution, against the fraudulent regime of the National Autonomist Party. In 1891 he led the sector of the Civic Union that founded the Radical Civic Union. In 1893 he led a second armed insurrection, which was again defeated.

In the legislative elections of 1895 he was elected national deputy. On July 1, 1896, he committed suicide, after writing a famous political testament.

He became 33rd Degree and Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of Free and Accepted Masons of the Argentine Republic.

Early Years

Son of Leandro Antonio Alen and Tomasa Ponce. His father was a grocery store owner from the Balvanera neighborhood —then in the suburbs of the city of Buenos Aires— and one of the officers of La Mazorca, the parapolice force of Juan Manuel de Rosas, for which he was captured and tried along with Ciriaco. Cuitiño, to later be shot and publicly hanged in the now defunct Plaza de Monserrat.

Baptized as Leandro Alen, already in college, he changed his last name to mitigate the permanent discrimination he suffered due to the memory of his father: he was always "the son of the hanged man" or "the son of the mazorquero". To that end he replaced the & # 34;N & # 34; end of his last name, by a & # 34; M & # 34;. He simultaneously designed his signature as L. no. Alem (adding a lowercase ene between the two capital letters corresponding to his baptismal first and last name), while his business cards were printed as Ln. German. For these reasons the eventual second name of Alem has been the subject of debate among historians. His biographer Álvaro Yunque says the following about it:

Leandro was baptized in Balvanera on April 7, 1842. Dionisio Farías and Felisa Pérez were their best man. The record does not contain that second name, Niceforo, which many of its biographers accept. Alem, who changed his last name being very young, signed Ln too. Alem. (There are such cards printed.) On one occasion his doctor and correspondent Martin Torino asked him what that tiny nickel meant next to the initial L. And he said, 'You mean nothing.' However, I must add that at the time of the marriage of his son Leandro with Justa César Hillner, because he was both minors, he must have given his consent and, when he signed the record number 0044, which was released on March 2, 1896, he made him settle his names in this way: Leandro Nicéforo Alem. This record is in the fourth section of the Civil Registry.

Alvaro Yunque

When their father died, they were left in poverty and their mother, Tomasa Ponce, had to devote herself to making and selling sweets and cakes to support the family.

Participation in the Army

From a very young age, Alem joined the army as a volunteer. He fought in the last battles of the Argentine civil wars, Cepeda in 1859 and Pavón in 1861 on the federal side against the State of Buenos Aires.

In 1865 he was sent as an assistant to Wenceslao Paunero in the Paraguayan War (1865-1870) where he was wounded and reached the rank of captain. It is believed that he participated in the recovery of the city of Corrientes, occupied by Paraguayan forces.

He stood out for directing and encouraging, by his own decision, the troops made up of poor people. He will later be appointed secretary of the Argentine delegation in Asunción, Paraguay and later in Rio de Janeiro (as cultural attaché) for a short time.

Initiation in politics

Shortly after, he returned to Buenos Aires and began to study law at the University of Buenos Aires. He received his degree in 1869 with a thesis entitled "Study on natural obligations" (that is, those obligations that rest more on morality than on law) after which he installed a legal study along with his friend —and future radical leader— Aristóbulo del Valle.

Beginnings in the Autonomist Party

After passing through federalism (in the anti-rosista fraction) and with the reunification of Buenos Aires with the rest of the country, he began to be a member of Adolfo Alsina's Autonomist Party. This popular-based party, founded in 1862, opposed the federalization of Buenos Aires and was at odds with the Nationalist Party of Bartolomé Mitre.

In this way, in 1872 he was elected provincial deputy where he stood out for his clear and frontal style. His adversaries called him the Lord of Balvanera .

It is in this same year that he manages to get his nephew Hipólito Yrigoyen, who was only twenty years old at the time and had begun to serve under the influence of his uncle, to be appointed commissioner of Balvanera.

In 1874 legislative elections were held where he was elected a national deputy. However, in these elections the recently created National Party of Avellaneda (not to be confused with the Nationalist Party of Mitre) widely prevails, which leads Alsina to resign from his presidential candidacy and propose a coalition with this party.

This is how the National Autonomist Party was born on March 15 of that same year. Alem opposes this agreement and along with leaders such as Aristóbulo del Valle, Roque Sáenz Peña, Lucio Vicente López, Pedro Goyena, José Manuel Estrada and Fernando Centeno (among others) began to form an internal current within the party in opposition to Alsina's leadership.

Republican Party Foundation

Alem towards 1876.

This movement led to the formation of the Republican Party around 1877, of which Alem was one of the main referents. This party sought to install a full democracy in the country through the purity and freedom of popular suffrage, outlawing violence, fraud and official intervention from the elections.

It is noteworthy that unlike the rest of the political parties of the time, the Republican Party was organized through decision-making bodies and popular assemblies that dictated the party's principles, agreements, and programs.

That same year, he prevailed over the National Autonomist Party in the elections for provincial senators. After this, the Republican Party decided to nominate Aristóbulo del Valle for the elections for governor of Buenos Aires on December 2, 1877 and Alem as a candidate for lieutenant governor.

Finally, the PAN candidate, Carlos Tejedor, prevails in a fraudulent and violent election. The immediate death of Alsina, and the internal divisions, produced shortly after the dissolution of the Republican Party.

The 1880s and his retirement

Alsina's death also led the Autonomist Party to break its alliance with Mitre, after which it began to reorganize under the figure of Alsina's former opponents, including Alem himself who was re-elected in 1879 provincial deputy for that party.

From that place, Alem strongly opposed the federalization of Buenos Aires and the prevailing fraud at the time. For the first reason, he held a famous parliamentary debate with José Hernández. After the federalization came to fruition and Julio Argentino Roca began to liquefy what little was left of the Autonomist Party, Alem decided to resign from his bench on December 11, 1880 and leave politics.

Return to politics

Meeting in the Florida Garden on September 1, 1889. The busy meeting helped to popularize Leandro N. Alem, and it was the place where the Park Revolution came to be devised.

Towards the year 1889 Argentina was governed by Miguel Juárez Celman under the hegemonic power of the National Autonomist Party. The opposition began to get stronger due to the acute economic crisis that the country was experiencing at that time. On August 20, 1889, Francisco Barroetaveña, a young lawyer from Entre Ríos, wrote an enormously successful article in the newspaper La Nación entitled Your quoque youth (in crowds for success), in which he questioned the youth that accompanied Juárez Celman.

Diverse groups of young people and students who had been meeting to express their discontent with the government of Juárez Celman came to congratulate Berroetaveña on his article and gave rise to a nucleus with similar interests that began to meet in assemblies. In one of those assemblies they decided to call a large rally to provoke the awakening of national civic life.

This rally would take place on September 1, 1889 at the meeting in the Jardín Florida in Buenos Aires. The Park Revolution was also devised at this meeting. Alvear was in charge of organizing the event, which was well attended. Immediately after the meeting in the Jardín Florida Alvear, he began working as Alem's secretary, and also accompanied him after the founding of the Unión Cívica in 1890. More than 3,000 people attended this meeting (a large number for the time) and the main personalities of the opposition, including Alem himself who, when speaking, said:

I want, first of all, to greet you with the greatest enthusiasm, and then, immediately, to ask this encouraging and generous youth to forgive me for the judgment that I had formed of it, for I confess that not many months ago, and in a letter that led to an old and courageous companion of the civic struggles and currently in Europe, I expressed the deep disappointment that inspired me the attitude of the youth trying to the public thing.

- There are no more young people in the republic - he said; -the generous ideals, the patriotic initiatives do not have their support or enthusiasm; those who are titled young are not only in the age, because when they are spoken of the homeland, of the patriotic sacrifices or of the fulfillment of the civic rights, they receive those words with a solemn contempt, considering that such matters can only concern the mind of the illusos,

It was, gentlemen, in the presence of these facts that my spirit diverted the great evils that arose from the falsehood of the institutions, and that I believed that the youth looked indifferent and therefore expressed me in such bitter words regarding the political situation of the country.

But now, and in the presence of this reactionary movement initiated by the youth, I have understood my mistake, and in understanding it I am pleased to exhort this very brave and determined youth, to continue with pride the path they pointed out with their blood and with their example all our glorious ancestors!

Gentlemen, nothing satisfies more intimately and looks more closely at the spirit, than to remember with accentuated veneration the disinterested and patriotic efforts of that youth, who abandoning the cradle of their most face afflictions, cutting some the course of their university careers, and despising all their personal interests, ran, full of bríos and of holy patriotism, to form in the ranks of the army, which was delivered

Leandro Alem, 1 September 1889

Formation of the Civic Union

In addition to Alem himself, and the young people of the Civic Youth Union (including Emilio Gouchón, Juan B. Justo, Lisandro de la Torre, Marcelo T. de Alvear, Tomás Le Breton and Manuel Augusto Montes de Oca), the most adult opposition to the regime was formed, among others, by Aristóbulo del Valle, Pedro Goyena, Vicente Fidel López, Bernardo de Irigoyen and above all Bartolomé Mitre, who had been the main opponent of rockism in the decade and previous average.

The UCJ maintained a close relationship with these characters, with a view to seeking a united front to combat the government. Soon after, it sanctioned a political program that was reminiscent of the old Republican Party founded in Alem y del Valle in 1877 and was organized in parochial civic clubs.

On April 13, 1890, in a massive act at the Frontón Buenos Aires, the adult and youth opponents united in a new party called Unión Cívica of which Alem was named president and which also had the leadership of Bartolomé miter. It is decided to organize an armed uprising to depose the government and call for free elections.

Park Revolution

Revolutionary Barricade in 1891.

Contacts begin and Alem obtains the support of the 1st Infantry Regiment, the 1st Artillery, the 5th Infantry, the Engineer Battalion, a company of the 4th and a group of cadets of the Military College of the Nation. Simultaneously, Alem contacted the officers of the Navy, headed by lieutenants Ramón Lira and Eduardo O'Connor, and soon after he had the support of the entire fleet.

In those days, Alem obtained the support for the revolution of Brigadier General Domingo Viejobueno, head of the Artillery Park located in Plaza Lavalle, a little less than a thousand meters from the Casa Rosada. At the head of the revolution, General Manuel J. Campos was appointed.

On Saturday, July 26 at 4 in the morning, Alem, in command of an armed civic regiment, took over the strategic Artillery Park of the City of Buenos Aires, currently Plaza Lavalle (where the Court building stands today Supreme Court), located 900 meters from the government house, in front of the recently started works of the Teatro Colón. For their part, the loyal troops began to gather very early as well, because several government officials found out about the uprising early in the morning. The Casa Rosada was left basically defenseless, guarded by some police officers.

Once the revolutionary troops were concentrated in the Artillery Park, General Manuel J. Campos changed the plan established the night before, and instead of attacking the government positions and taking the Casa Rosada, he gave the order to remain in inside the park. This decision by Campos has deserved all kinds of analysis. The vast majority of historians agree that Campos had reached a secret agreement with Julio A. Roca days before, when the latter visited him while he was detained. Apparently Roca promoted the uprising, in order to bring about the fall of President Juárez Celman, and at the same time prevent, through his secret agreement with General Campos, that the rebel forces take the offensive and defeat the government troops., which would have installed Alem as provisional president and ended the power of the National Autonomist Party. Alem initially questioned General Campos's decision because he strayed from the revolutionary plan, but he finally ended up accepting it without fully realizing that it affected a large part of the revolution's chances of success. He himself later recognized this serious error, in his year-end report to the Civic Union on the revolution.

Fighted until July 29 when the ceasefire was signed. However, the cantons refused to disarm and continued to fight, some of them even until the next day. That afternoon the last death of the revolution occurred: that of Lieutenant Manuel Urizar, attached to the Artillery Park.

At sunset, Alem was the last to leave the Park. He walked alone towards Talcahuano and Lavalle, where a group of soldiers refused to surrender. A second lieutenant yelled at him that he was in danger. Given Alem's lack of response, the second lieutenant ran and pounced on him at the exact moment when a rifle discharge was fired that passed over his head.

Consequences

Although the revolution did not achieve its original goal, which was to overthrow the National Autonomist Party, proclaim Alem as provisional president and call elections, it was a great political victory for the Civic Union, since President Miguel Juárez Celman He was forced to resign and in his place Vice President Carlos Pellegrini took over, much more moderate than the first.

In addition, it gave the initial kick to the decline of the political power of the PAN, a process that from then on grew more and more. Finally, the Park Revolution considerably consolidated the Civic Union, which increased its influence and its members very quickly.

In the legislative elections of March 15, 1891, Alem was elected national senator along with Aristóbulo del Valle.

German in Cordoba

According to the historian Federico Bordese, after the revolution, Alem became very popular at the national level, which is why his friends and Freemasonry commissioned them to make trips to the interior of the country. One of the stops was made in the city of Córdoba, where he arrived by train to the station of the same name on Tuesday, September 22, 1891.

He comments that Cordoba society received him with much applause, even the opposition from the National Autonomist Party (PAN) welcomed him because he was very popular but Governor Eleazar Garzón and Mayor Luis Revol (also from the same party), were They were very worried about the presence of the revolutionary because they feared a new riot but they showed up to receive him at the station and accompany him to the Hotel La Paz, where he would stay for a few days.

The purpose of the trip was simply protocol and, while he was in the city, he surrounded himself with supporters who sought to please him; Alem was at various parties, taking walks and contacts. During the days that Alem was in the city, the presbyter priest Eleodoro Fierro accompanied him whenever he could, since a month before, he had been the co-founder of the "Radical Civic Union Political League" of Córdoba; presiding over the assembly and foundation on August 5, 1891. After the stay, Alem had to continue by train through other cities in the north of the province; the fact being recorded as a unique trip in Cordoba history since he would never visit the city again.

Rupture of the Civic Union

Sentados (left to right) Marcelo T. de Alvear, Leandro N. Alem, Francisco A. Barroetaveña and Juan Posse, 1891.

For the 1892 presidential elections, the Civic Union proclaimed the formula Bartolomé Miter - Bernardo de Irigoyen. However, Julio Argentino Roca (undisputed leader of the PAN), in one of the attitudes that gave him the nickname the fox, arranged with Miter a formula for national unity headed by the latter and displacing Irigoyen.

Upon learning of the agreement, Alem strongly opposes it, and tells Miter a phrase that will remain in history:

I do not accept the agreement, I am radical against the agreement, I am radical intransigent...

(the mitrists accused Alem, derogatively, of being radical e intransigent)

This pact made by Miter led to the division of the Civic Union on June 26, 1891:

• The anti-acuersts, led by Alem, form the Radical Civic Union.
• The aquerdists, led by Mitre, form the National Civic Union.

Most of the leaders went with Alem to the UCR, including Aristobulo del Valle, Bernardo de Irigoyen himself, Hipólito Yrigoyen, Juan M. Garro, Francisco Barroetaveña, Leopoldo Melo, Marcelo T de Alvear, Elpidio González, Lisandro de la Torre, among many others.

With Miter left Guillermo Udaondo, who would be elected Governor of the Province of Buenos Aires in the fraudulent elections of 1894. So few leaders went with him that his pact with Roca and his candidacy were cut short.

Meanwhile, the Radical Civic Union proclaimed the formula Bernardo de Irigoyen – Juan M. Garro on July 2 of that same year.

In turn, the PAN proclaimed the formula Luis Sáenz Peña - José Evaristo Uriburu designed for a transitional government. It is worth noting that Sáenz Peña was close to Mitre, while Uriburu was close to Roca.

Finally, in the middle of 1892 the presidential elections were held, in the midst of a huge fraud:

After this scandalous fraud, the UCR decides to organize a new armed uprising. Alem will begin to emphasize radical intransigence until it becomes a principle of his political action.

Once the radical leaders were freed, and given the evidence that the national government would once again prevent their access to power through elections by all means, the Radical Civic Union began to reorganize and prepare a new armed uprising.

Alem would then be characterized by elevating the idea of radical intransigence to the point of constituting it a principle of his political action. It is at this moment that the first differences begin to emerge with his nephew and disciple, Hipólito Yrigoyen, who is more pragmatic.

Around 1893 the government entered into a crisis and Sáenz Peña was forced to lead a certain political opening. He dismantled the provincial militias that responded to provincial caudillos-landowners and summoned Aristóbulo del Valle to the government, who he accepted.

Ministries are also offered to Alem and Yrigoyen, who emphatically reject it.

Actually, it was all part of a radical strategy.

Radical Revolution of 1893

First uprising

Radical Revolutionary Army

Hipólito Yrigoyen and Aristóbulo del Valle began to organize the revolution behind Alem's back, since unlike him, they believed that the way to democratize the system was not to overthrow the government (as had been attempted in 1890) but through provincial insurrections, which led to the intervention of the provinces and the holding of free elections. In this way, constitutional legality was preserved.

In the province of Buenos Aires, the revolution is led by Hipólito Yrigoyen. This was the best organized, since it began on July 30 simultaneously in 82 cities and came to have 8,000 well-armed men, under the command of Marcelo T. de Alvear first, and Martín Yrigoyen later. The headquarters was installed in Temperley and on August 8 they took the city of La Plata and proclaimed Juan Carlos Belgrano as governor.

In San Luis with Teófilo Saá and in Santa Fe with Mariano Candioti, the radicals take control of those provinces without much difficulty. When victory seemed to be just around the corner, a series of errors and internal discrepancies led to the failure of the uprising.

In the first place, Aristóbulo del Valle, who held a key position in the government and conspired from within, refused to carry out a coup and depose Saénz Peña, a position that was held by Alem and by the majority of the radical leaders, since as was said before, he and Yrigoyen did not agree on that method.

In its place, Del Valle introduced a bill that would intervene in the main provinces and guarantee free elections. The Senate approved the interventions, but the Chamber of Deputies rejected it.

The second mistake was when the troops that responded to Yrigoyen released Carlos Pellegrini, who had been taken prisoner by the revolutionaries. Once released, Pellegrini went to the capital from where he reorganized the forces of the ruling party.

Finally, the third blunder was when Aristóbulo del Valle decided to leave the Casa Rosada and went to Temperley to be present at the time the weapons were handed over. Roca and Pellegrini took advantage of his absence to approve the federal intervention projects that he himself had drawn up, but using them to intervene in the provinces that were now in the hands of the revolutionaries.

After this, the only alternative left to radicalism was for Aristobulo del Valle to carry out a coup d'état, ignore the law of Congress and march to Buenos Aires with the radical army. Alem urged him but he refused, prioritizing his legalistic principles and resigned from the government that same day. He was replaced by rocker Manuel Quintana.

Faced with this, on August 25 the Provincial Committee of the Radical Civic Union, led by Yrigoyen, decided to hand over their weapons.

Second Rising

However, on August 14, two days after the resignation of Aristóbulo del Valle, in the province of Corrientes a radical revolution overthrew the governor, and although it was immediately intervened, the revolutionary government resisted.

This fact made Alem consider that, far from having been defeated, the revolution was still latent and only a spark was missing to reactivate it. So he decided to start it himself, leading the capture of the city of Rosario.

But Hipólito Yrigoyen considered that his uncle's uprising was merely emotional, and denied the support of radicalism in the province of Buenos Aires. This was considered a betrayal by the rest of the party.

Strictly speaking, the insurrection led by Alem was poorly organized and lacked a plan, but it had significant popular support throughout the country.

The radical commander Bello revolted his troops in Tucumán and on September 7 imposed a revolutionary government under the command of Eugenio Méndez.

Mariano Candioti, with an army made up of civilians and soldiers, revolted again in Santa Fe on September 24. That same day Alem arrived in Rosario hidden in a cargo ship. The population received him as a hero and he was proclaimed president of the Nation in a great popular assembly.

In this way, Alem was the revolutionary president of Santa Fe, Tucumán and Corrientes.

Immediately a great people's army made up of 6000 men was formed, although it lacked weapons. In the port of Rosario, the ship ARA Los Andes, commanded by Lieutenant Gerardo Valotta, joined the revolution. The same was done by the Murature torpedo boat on the Tigre, which was destroyed by troops loyal to the government.

On September 25, the revolutionary government of Tucumán fell after it was defeated by a powerful army led by Carlos Pellegrini. On the 26th, after two days of bloody fighting, the revolutionary government of the city of Santa Fe fell, which practically controlled the entire province.

Once the revolution had been defeated throughout the country, Roca took command of the official troops that concentrated on the city of Rosario to put an end to Alem. The ship Los Andes intercepts the official squadron located on the Paraná River, sinking the battleship Independencia and the gunboat Espora.

Alem's situation became desperate, as it was surrounded and Roca threatened to bombard the city if the revolutionaries did not surrender. Honoring his intransigence, he initially decides to resist at all costs, but the women and the neighborhood commissions ask him to save the city, after which he decides not to fight and allow the government troops to recapture Rosario.

On October 1, he is captured and locked up with hundreds of revolutionaries. Before handing over the city he told the revolutionaries:

Here no one has surrendered, and nothing has been lost: each one to his house, keeping the weapons well

He will remain in prison for six months.

Last years

After the failed revolutionary attempt, the Radical Civic Union divided between the reds, who supported Alem's leadership, and the lyricists who supported Yrigoyen's interpretation of of the seizure of power.

With the first group went Bernardo de Irigoyen, Juan M. Garro, Francisco Barroetaveña, Leopoldo Melo, Adolfo Saldías, among others. With the second group, the most prominent leader is the young Marcelo T. de Alvear.

However, the internal differences after this fact would not stop increasing, which made Alem quite bitter. During the uprising, he had a heated argument with his nephew when he refused to overthrow Saenz Peña:

Yrigoyen: We're not in Venezuela, where the coups give them their ministers.
Alem, exasperated, rises from the seat and heads towards his nephew
Alem: Shut up!

While their affection for each other will be stronger than these differences, their relationship will never be the same again.

Radicalism ran for the legislative elections of 1894 where, despite fraud, it managed to gain access to some seats. Alem is elected national deputy for the period 1895-1898.

However, this does not reverse the impasse into which the party was falling. In January 1895, President Luis Sáenz Peña resigned, and Vice President José Evaristo de Uriburu took office. The PAN seemed to stabilize again. Aristóbulo del Valle died of a stroke the following year, which had a strong impact on Alem.

Speeches and writings by L. N. Alem, published in 1914.

Suicide and legacy

On the cold and rainy morning of July 1, 1896, he met at his home with friends whom he had urgently summoned to talk about political issues. At one point he interrupted the dialogue to go look for something in his bedroom, to leave shortly dressed in his hat and his traditional vicuña poncho around his neck.

He promised to return in a few minutes, and got into his carriage heading towards the El Progreso club. During the journey, the defender of the dispossessed, shot himself in the temple that the coachman confused with the detonation of rockets that were burning celebrating the feast of San Juan and San Pedro.

A note was found on his body that read "Forgive me for the bad time, but I wanted my corpse to fall into friendly hands and not into strange hands, on the street or anywhere else"

In addition, an envelope was found in his bedroom marked "For Publication". The text found inside says:

I've finished my career, I've finished my mission. To live sterile, useless and depressed, it is preferable to die. Yeah, break it, but don't double it!

I have fought in an indecent way in recent times; but my strength, perhaps already spent, have been unable to stop the mountain... and the mountain crushed me!

I have given everything I could give; all that humanly can be demanded of a man, and at last my strength has been exhausted... and to live sterile, useless and depressed, it is preferable to die. I give decorous and dignified all that I have left: my last blood, the rest of my life. The feelings that have driven me, the ideas that have enlightened my soul, the mobiles, the causes and purposes of my action and of my struggle in general, in my life, are, I think, perfectly known. If I delude myself in this respect, it will be a disgrace that I can no longer feel or remedy...

There are my work and my action for many years, from very young, from very young, always fighting down. It is not pride that dictates these words to me, nor is it weakness at this time that makes me take this resolution. It is a deep conviction that has taken over my soul in the sense that I put it in the first paragraphs, after having thought, meditated and reflected on a solemn recollection.

I give my work and my memory to the judgment of the people, for whose noble cause I have fought constantly.

At this time the popular party is preparing to re-enter action for the good of the homeland. This is my idea, this is my feeling, this is my deep conviction, without offending anyone. I myself have given the first impulse, and yet I cannot continue. My ailments are very serious, necessarily mortal. Go ahead and go! Ah, how well this party has been able to do, if there were no causes and certain factors at all!

Never mind! He can still do a lot. It belongs mainly to the new generations. They gave him origin and they will know how to consummate the work: they must consummate it!

Political Leandro Alem.