Spanish Socialist Worker's Party

The Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE) is a political party in Spain that stands on the centre-left of the political spectrum. Since June 18, 2017, it has been led by Secretary General Pedro Sánchez, proclaimed during the celebration of the XXXIX Party Congress.

Founded in 1879 by Pablo Iglesias Posse, for a hundred years it defined itself as a working class, socialist and Marxist party, until the Extraordinary Congress of 1979, in which it abandoned Marxism as an ideological definition. of the two largest political parties in Spain, along with the Popular Party, having ruled the country for most of the constitutional regime that began in 1978, with the presidencies of Felipe González (1982-1996), José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero (2004-2011) and Pedro Sánchez (2018-present).

The PSOE has presided over the government of Spain since June 1, 2018, after obtaining the support of other parliamentary formations to approve a motion of no confidence against the government of Mariano Rajoy. After the 2019 general elections, it is the party with the most seats in the XIV legislature of the Cortes Generales with a first minority in the Congress of Deputies and a simple majority in the Senate. As of 2019, he also presides over the governments of autonomous communities such as Aragón, Asturias, Navarra, La Rioja, the Valencian Community, the Balearic Islands, Extremadura, Castilla-La Mancha and the Canary Islands. It is also part of the executive of Cantabria in coalition with the Regionalist Party of Cantabria and both of the Basque Government and of the three regional councils of the historical territories of the Basque Country in coalition with the Basque Nationalist Party. It also participates in the Government of the autonomous city of Melilla. His youth organization is the Socialist Youth of Spain and is part of the Party of European Socialists and the Socialist International.

History

Leadership of Pablo Iglesias (1879-1919)

Pablo Iglesias, founder of the party

The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party was founded in Madrid on May 2, 1879 by Pablo Iglesias Posse, a printer from Ferrol, constituting one of the oldest workers' parties in Europe, second only to the Social Democratic Party of Germany. From its beginnings, it aspired to group the Spanish industrial proletariat under the Marxist ideology. However, its implementation was very irregular: its main nuclei were developed in Madrid, Asturias and the Basque Country, with little presence in Catalonia, the largest industrial focus in Spain. The backwardness of Spanish society and the fragile industrial development, as well as the strength of anarchism and anarcho-syndicalism among the Barcelona working-class sectors, explain the little relevance that the PSOE achieved in the first years after its foundation, unlike its European counterparts. ^{[citation required]}

The PSOE held its first congress in Barcelona in 1888, although it did not achieve parliamentary representation until May 8, 1910, when the Republican-Socialist Conjunction allowed Pablo Iglesias to obtain 40,899 votes and the act of deputy to Cortes. He was re-elected in 1914, on the eve of the assassination of Jean Jaurès, with 21,956 votes, this time running for Oviedo.

From the alliance with the Republicans and the entry into parliament, its presence and importance in Spanish society increased, both due to its own activity as a party and due to the strength of the General Union of Workers (UGT).), a socialist union founded by Pablo Iglesias in 1888 in the city of Barcelona and closely linked to the PSOE, since until the 1880s union membership in the UGT implied affiliation with the PSOE and vice versa.

Although historically the fight against clericalism had not seemed to the socialist leaders and ideologues to be the cause of the labor movement, contact with the republican political culture together with the growth of the "yellow" Catholic unions, made it adopt an anticlerical stance as could be seen in the 1918 program in which, in addition to advocating the "suppression of the clergy's budget and confiscation of their assets" and "free and secular" education (demands that appeared in the 1888 program), defended "the dissolution of all religious orders" (the highest anti-clerical claim of republicanism). Precisely when the anticlerical wave of the first decade of the 20th century subsided, the Socialists became "the best custodians of the secularist tradition of the Spanish left".

On April 9, 1916, Pablo Iglesias repeated his seat with 18,054 votes. Due to the active role they played during the general strike of 1917, the future socialist leaders Francisco Largo Caballero and Julián Besteiro were arrested, tried and imprisoned with a life sentence, although this did not prevent them from taking part in the Spanish general elections of February 1918. all were elected deputies. In 1919, Pablo Iglesias began to abandon his political obligations due to health problems, dying in 1925.

Crisis of the Internationals (1920-1922)

Julián Besteiro was president of the PSOE from 1925 until his resignation in February 1931

Like the rest of the workers' parties, the PSOE was seriously affected by the so-called «crisis of the Internationals». The triumph of the Russian Revolution of 1917 and the creation of the Communist International (separated from the unitary Socialist International) caused the split of the party among the supporters of joining the Comintern (which would finally be grouped in the Communist Party of Spain, in 1921). and the more moderate sectors, the majority, who remained in the Second International.

First known PSOE logo, used from the 1920s to the 1970s. It represented union physical and intellectual work

Collaboration with the Primo de Rivera dictatorship (1923-1931)

The dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera, which had replaced the turnista government in 1923, adopted repressive measures against labor organizations such as the CNT, but tolerated the movements of the UGT, which became the first trade union center in Spain. He also promoted extensive social legislation, part of which was included in the Labor Code (1926), in whose success the collaboration between the regime, the PSOE and the UGT was key.

The socialist collaboration with the dictatorship was widely criticized by anarchists, and considered by historian Javier Tusell as "difficult to understand from today's perspective". Primo de Rivera's propaganda insisted that the PSOE was the only honest party of the previous stage, and he went so far as to affirm that he intended to create a new turnista system with the PSOE and the Patriotic Union. Francisco Largo Caballero came to take possession of a position of State Councilor on October 25, 1924; this was opposed by Fernando de los Ríos and Indalecio Prieto.

In 1929, in the midst of the decline of the dictatorship, which was already willing to accept five freely elected representatives of the UGT in the Assembly, the PSOE broke with it and declared itself in favor of the republic. Personally, a party leader participated in the Pact of San Sebastián to proclaim the Second Republic.

In February 1931, Besteiro submitted his irrevocable resignation as president of the PSOE and the UGT.

The Second Republic (1931-1936) and the Civil War (1936-1939)

Long Knight Instant in the Courts

When the Primorriverista regime fell, the PSOE was the most widespread and best organized political party in the country. In April 1931, Remigio Cabello had been elected as president of the formation, a position in which Francisco Largo Caballero himself would succeed him with the new executive formed after the Congress of October 1932. The PSOE became the majority party of the Republican Courts of 1931 by obtaining 131 deputies.

Shortly after the proclamation of the Republic, the party already had several newspapers, such as El Sur in Córdoba, Democracia in Jaén, La Tribuna Socialist Party in Barcelona, The Class Struggle in Bilbao, etc. In Madrid, the historical organ El Socialista stood out, under the direction of Julián Zugazagoitia. In addition to these publications, the newspapers El Liberal of Bilbao and Claridad from Madrid —the respective bodies of Indalecio Prieto and Largo Caballero— also remained close to the party.

During the first two years (1931-1933) he was a fundamental force in the coalition that supported the governments of Manuel Azaña, managing various ministries and collaborating with parties such as Acción Republicana or the Partido Republicano Radical Socialista.

Indalecio Prieto in 1936; according to Santos Juliá, the preponderance in the Prieto party came «to literally get rid of fool» to Largo Caballero

The 1933 elections dealt a severe blow to the Republican left, and consolidated the Spanish Confederation of Autonomous Rights as the main party in Parliament. Throughout this biennium, the social situation suffered a process of radicalization and ideological confrontation from which the PSOE was not spared, progressively split between the most centrist and democratic sectors, represented by Indalecio Prieto and Julián Besteiro; and the most radical wing led by Francisco Largo Caballero, increasingly leaning towards rejecting republican institutions and defending a Soviet-style proletarian revolution.

This radical drift culminated in the Revolution of 1934, in which the PSOE and the UGT (with the only opposition from Besteiro's minority centrist sectors) led a violent insurrectionary movement that only triumphed in Asturias, where it had the collaboration of the CNT and the communists and a precarious revolutionary order was established; and in Catalonia, where the revolution had a marked nationalist character.

In 1935, the PSOE participated in the Popular Front, which brought together left-wing republican, socialist, communist, and nationalist forces. This obtained a tight victory in the 1936 elections, but its government was interrupted by the military uprising of July 18, 1936 and the subsequent civil war. During the course of this, the PSOE constituted one of the foundations of the successive republican governments. Francisco Largo Caballero and Juan Negrín, both socialist leaders, held the presidency of the government at that stage.

Clandestine during the Franco regime (1939-1977)

Rodolfo Llopis at a Socialist Congress in Amsterdam held in September 1963

After the triumph of the rebels and the establishment of the Franco dictatorship, the PSOE was outlawed along with the rest of the democratic parties and organizations. Its leaders were forced into exile and its militants inside were executed, imprisoned or retaliated against during the post-war repression, leaving the organization practically headless. In fact, in the Franco years the activity of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party was very limited. The weight of the anti-Franco resistance fell basically on the maquis and the Communist Party of Spain.

In the last years of the dictatorship, the PSOE undertook a forceful generational and ideological renovation that allowed a new generation of socialists from outside exile to take command. This renewal became effective at the Suresnes Congress in 1974, when the historic Rodolfo Llopis gave way to Felipe González as head of the party's General Secretariat.

Alternation in power (1978-present)

Enrique Tierno Galván, mayor of Madrid between 1979 and 1986 with PSOE

Felipe González in 1986, together with Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres

After the reinstatement of the parliamentary monarchy in Spain, the PSOE became one of the two major parties on the political scene. At the beginning of this period, the PSOE was reinforced with the incorporation of the Popular Socialist Party led by Enrique Tierno Galván.

It has won seventeen electoral calls at the national level (compared to seven for the PP and three for the UCD), it has an electoral body that is around 30% of the population and has remained in power for twenty-one years. It holds the record in number of votes obtained in general elections in Spain: 11,288,698 votes (43.87%) in the 2008 general elections and the record in percentage of votes and 48.11% (10,127,392 votes). in the general elections of 1982, as well as the record number of deputies (202), also obtained in 1982. The party has been criticized, after the Transition, for being part of a two-party system in the country together with the Popular Party, reaching know this dual and "immovable" reality of Spanish politics informally as "PPSOE". The party has been implicated in various cases of corruption during this period.

Leadership of Felipe González (1978-1997)

In the general elections of 1982, the PSOE obtained an overwhelming majority in the Congress of Deputies, obtaining 202 deputies with the support of more than ten million votes (48.11% of the votes). A notable transformation of the country was then undertaken in various areas. On the economic level, he opted for liberal pragmatism, undertaking an industrial reconversion and establishing the reduction of inflation as a priority, while in the social sphere he assisted in the extension of the welfare state. It is also worth noting the reform of the Army, already begun in the Ucedista stage, and later led by the Socialist Defense Minister Narcís Serra, which was key to promoting apoliticalism and the professionalization of commanders.

With the moderation of the PSOE when it came to power, the socialist governments did not manage to take any major reform measures without the consent of three important de facto powers: the banks, the Church and the Army. In the 1986 elections the PSOE maintained the absolute majority with 184 deputies. That year Spain joined the European Economic Community, while witnessing a phase of expansive growth and a massive inflow of foreign capital, attracted by high interest rates. However, the discontent of the unions grew and on December 14, 1988 they organized a general strike. During these last years there was a plot of illegal financing of the party, which would be uncovered years later, known as the Filesa case, through a Supreme Court ruling in 1997.

Although the party had initially opposed NATO, the González government organized and won a referendum on the issue in 1986, calling for a favorable vote. The government was criticized for avoiding the organization's official names by using terms such as 'Atlantic Alliance'; unofficial. A symbol of this change of heart was Javier Solana, who campaigned against NATO but ended up years later as its secretary general.

In the 1989 elections, the PSOE was one deputy short of the absolute majority, with 175 seats (the exact half of Congress). Already in the 1993 elections, the wear and tear was noticeable in the electoral results: although Felipe González won the elections again, this time the victory was with less support (159 seats) and with the presence of the stronger Popular Party (with 141 seats). The attrition was mainly due to the appearance of numerous cases of corruption and the indictment of high-ranking PSOE officials, some of whom were subsequently convicted by the courts, as responsible for the financing and direction of State terrorism of the Liberation Antiterrorist Groups. Alfonso Guerra also resigned, due to a corruption case in which his brother was involved, known as the Guerra case.

In these years, the privatization process of the public productive fabric also began, such as Telefónica, Endesa, Repsol, Argentaria or Tabacalera. Finally, in the general elections of 1996, the PSOE lost 18 deputies and the Popular Party was the winner. The resignation of Felipe González from the general secretariat in 1997 led the PSOE to a serious crisis of leadership.

Josep Borrell

Crisis and leadership of Joaquín Almunia (1997-2000)

The party elected Joaquín Almunia as general secretary and held primary elections for the first time to designate the candidate for the Presidency of the Government. In them, the militants elected Josep Borrell against the party apparatus, which supported Joaquín Almunia. Finally, Borrell was forced to resign, evidencing the failure of said primaries. Joaquín Almunia was the socialist candidate for the 2000 elections, in which the PSOE was forcefully defeated by the PP of José María Aznar, for which he submitted his resignation.

Leadership of José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero (2000-2012)

From 2000 to 2012, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero was at the head of the match

Under Zapatero's leadership, the PSOE recovered electoral ground against the PP, surpassing it in the 2003 regional and municipal elections and winning the 2004 general elections with a simple majority, as well as the European elections of the same year. The aforementioned general elections coincided with the days following the attacks of March 11 and the criticized management of the PP of the same. In 2005, Marriage between people of the same sex was approved, fulfilling the electoral commitment, being the fourth country of the world to approve it.

Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba, candidate for the presidency of the Government in the generals of 2011, went to lead the opposition

In the 2008 general elections, the Spanish Socialist Workers Party won the elections again, obtaining 169 deputies, five more than in 2004 and 43.87% of the votes. In December, the PSOE created its own think tank, the Ideas for Progress Foundation. The State Attorney General, Cándido Conde-Pumpido, revealed that in November 2009 a total of 264 cases were being processed against public officials of the PSOE for corruption. In 2011 the ERE case was uncovered.

Leadership of Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba (2012-2014)

PSOE rally held in 2011 in the city of Vigo

In the 2011 Spanish general elections, the PSOE, which presented Pérez Rubalcaba as a candidate, obtained 110 seats (59 less than 2008) and 28.76% of the votes. Neither did he obtain good results in the 2011 municipal elections, losing the second most populous city in the country, Barcelona, which he had governed since the first democratic elections. He obtained the government, instead, in ten provincial capitals, seven alone (Cuenca, Lérida, Lugo, Orense, Tarragona, Toledo, Zaragoza) and one with support (Segovia). Regarding autonomies, he only ruled in Andalusia (together with Izquierda Unida), Asturias (in a minority, with parliamentary support from IU and UPyD) and the Canary Islands (together with CC).

At the 38th Federal Congress of the PSOE held in Seville, Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba was elected Secretary General of the PSOE on February 4, 2012, with 487 votes in favor of his candidacy and with 465 votes for the candidacy of his rival, Carmen Chacon.

After the poor results of the PSOE in the 2014 European elections, Pérez Rubalcaba announced his resignation and three candidates were proclaimed: Pedro Sánchez, Eduardo Madina and José Antonio Pérez Tapias.

Leadership of Pedro Sánchez and internal crisis (2014-2016)

Pedro Sánchez, Secretary General from 2014 to 2016

In the party's primary elections held on July 13, 2014, Pedro Sánchez obtained 49% of the votes, compared to 36% for Madina and 15% for Pérez Tapias, becoming the new general secretary. He faces the challenge of recovering the unity of the party and the confidence of former PSOE voters, 25% of whom, according to a CIS survey in October 2014, would opt for a new party, Podemos. 2014, the PSOE has instead opted for the strategy of stopping calling them populists to presenting them instead as located on the extreme left, thus trying to preserve the hegemony of the center left.

In the elections to the Parliament of Andalusia in 2015, held early in March 2015, the PSOE was the force with the most votes. However, since it did not obtain an absolute majority, the investiture of Susana Díaz as president of the Board was rejected up to three times, due to the vote against PP, Podemos, Ciudadanos and Izquierda Unida. Marked by a "regression of bipartisanship", in the municipal elections of May 2015, the PSOE had a minimum in the total votes; In the regional elections held on the same date, it managed to once again be the most voted group in the autonomous community of Extremadura, as well as remain in first position in Asturias. In other communities such as Castilla-La Mancha, the Valencian Community, Aragon or the Balearic Islands, it was the second force, so it would need to agree with other formations to occupy the autonomous governments.

Except for the 2015 Andalusian elections, most of the elections held during Sánchez's leadership yielded negative results for the PSOE. Added to this, the policy of pacts carried out by Sánchez after the 2016 general elections, based on the resounding refusal to facilitate a Popular Party government was disputed by various party leaders. A current critical of Sánchez was developed within the party, headed by Susana Díaz, president of the Junta de Andalucía.

On September 28, 2016, the secretary of Federal Policy of the PSOE, Antonio Pradas, presented at the party headquarters the en bloc resignation of 17 members of the Federal Executive so that the party could be led by a manager and pressure Pedro Sánchez to resign as Secretary General. The Executive, made up of 35 members (originally 38), lost two executives through resignation, who joined the 17, making a total of 19, half plus one. Among them were the president of the party, Micaela Navarro, the former minister Carme Chacón or the presidents of the Valencian Community Ximo Puig and of Castilla-La Mancha Emiliano García-Page.

On the afternoon of October 1, 2016, after a tense Federal Committee was held, Pedro Sánchez resigned as general secretary of the party. That same night it was notified that a provisional manager would succeed him, headed by the President of the Government Council of the Principality of Asturias, Javier Fernández Fernández.

Return of Pedro Sánchez and arrival in the Government (2017-present)

After being forced to leave the party's general secretariat and resign his seat in the Congress of Deputies to avoid abstaining from the investiture vote for Mariano Rajoy, Sánchez began a campaign to win the confidence of the bases in his way to recover the general secretary. Finally, primaries were held in the party at the XXXIX Congress of the PSOE, obtaining the majority support of the militancy and recovering his organic position in the party.

After his victory, Sánchez selected a new federal executive made up mostly of people close to him and carried out structural reforms of the party, including statutory changes that reduced the power of the Federal Committee of the PSOE (the body that previously forced him to to resign) and giving greater importance in decision-making to the militancy.

The years 2017 and the beginning of 2018 were quiet years within the party, with Sánchez at its head, with a reinforced leadership, but forced to remain in the background in national politics due to his lack of a seat in the Congress of Deputies.

It was not until the end of May 2018, when Sánchez returned to the political front line announcing a motion of no confidence against President Rajoy after the ruling in the Gürtel case, which condemned the former Popular Party treasurer, Luis Bárcenas, to related businessmen and the party itself as a "participant for profit".

The motion of censure obtained the majority support of the Chamber (180 votes in favor, 169 against and 1 abstention), forcing the Rajoy government to resign and automatically investing Pedro Sánchez as the seventh president of the government of democracy. and, consequently, the PSOE returned to the Government 6 and a half years later, Sánchez being the third socialist president after Felipe González and José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. After finding himself unable to approve the general state budget due to governing in a minority, Sánchez called general elections in April 2019, in which, despite being victorious with 123 seats, he failed to form a government and produces what would be the fourth call to general elections in less than 4 years. In November 2019, he won the elections again, obtaining 120 seats, three less than in the previous elections. He is sworn in as president in January 2020, forming the first coalition government in the history of Spanish democracy, with Podemos.

In March 2021, Congress approved the Euthanasia Law at the initiative of the PSOE, becoming the fifth country in the world to apply it.

Between October 15 and 17, 2021, the XL Congress of the PSOE, called for reunification, was held in Valencia. The most emotional moment of it was the hug between Pedro Sánchez and Felipe.

In July 2022, the Supreme Court ratified the sentence for the ERE Case against José Antonio Griñán and eight former senior officials of the Junta de Andalucía to several years in prison. Former senior party officials such as Alfonso Guerra, Susana Díaz, or the former presidents of the Government Rodríguez Zapatero and Felipe González; journalists, like Iñaki Gabilondo; athletes, such as Vicente del Bosque and other politicians such as Antonio Maíllo, Josep Antoni Durán i Lleida or José Julio Rodríguez Fernández, signed a pardon petition with more than 4,000 signatories.

Historical leaders

Ideology

The ideology of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party has evolved over time:

State Model

In contrast to the centralism that would have characterized it in earlier dates, with the arrival of the Transition the PSOE would have turned to a more federalist position regarding the organization of the State. In the Suresnes Congress of 1974, represented by Felipe González and Alfonso Guerra, the party defended the right to self-determination of the peoples that make up the Spanish State. Currently, the PSOE advocates an asymmetric federalism, positioning itself against the pro-sovereignty process in Catalonia. During the governments of Felipe González the party was characterized by its Europeanist position, considering this integration in Europe key for the economic modernization of the country.

The party's resolutions cite the promotion of "republican values" even though the party supports the 1978 constitutional consensus. They were criticized for being against holding a referendum after the abdication of Juan Carlos I. Former presidents Felipe González and Rodríguez Zapatero have positioned themselves against a semi-direct democracy similar to that of Switzerland, and against the revocation of the mandate.

In their 40th Congress, held in Valencia on October 17, 2021 and represented by Pedro Sánchez, it was made clear that, although they do not position themselves in favor of a republic, they do position themselves in favor of transparency, democracy and the payment of taxes by all institutions.

Economic policy

The PSOE was founded with the purpose of representing and defending the interests of the working class that emerged with the industrial revolution of the 19th century. Following the Marxist-oriented philosophical and political current, it sought the seizure of political power by the class proletariat and the socialization of the means of production to establish the dictatorship of the proletariat, as a period of transition towards socialist society.

In 1979 the party definitively abandoned the Marxist theses, led by its then general secretary Felipe González, but not before overcoming great tensions and two Congresses, the first of which was favorable to maintaining Marxism. Faced with this situation, prominent leaders from the interior such as Pablo Castellano or Luis Gómez Llorente founded the internal ideological current Izquierda Socialista, grouping the militants who were committed to maintaining greater continuity with the party's tradition, against the more ideologically "flexible" position of the one that González and Guerra bet on in the first years of Democracy.

The politics of the government periods of Felipe González have been defined as socioliberal by Julio Aróstegui. Fernando Aguiar shares this point of view. José María Martín Arce has pointed out that the policies applied by the first two governments of a PSOE The "centrist" led by Felipe González could be classified as "liberal-progressive". Another series of authors has supported the critical characterization of "neoliberal" of the economic policies of various governments of Felipe González.

Several sources have ascribed the party to social democracy. However, since 1982 at least three economy ministers in PSOE governments have described themselves as liberal: Miguel Boyer, Carlos Solchaga and Pedro Solbes. The first of them ended up at the FAES Foundation, declaring after the decision the weight of his economic discourse in his decision. The current economic policy of the PSOE has been defined as neoliberal by Vicenç Navarro. Some members of the PSOE have expressed themselves in this regard: José Antonio Pérez Tapias, a former candidate for the general secretariat, stated in 2014 that the PSOE had to get rid of decades of "neoliberal contamination" and Patxi López affirmed in 2013, after losing the 2011 general elections that "The left has (had) abandoned its responsibility before neoliberalism".

Social Policy

He opted for a secular State model in the 1980s, in addition to defending abortion in cases of danger to the life of the mother, fetal malformation and rape. In recent years the party has positioned itself in favor of homosexual marriage and a law on abortion with deadlines.

Structure and organization

Organic structure of the PSOE

PSOE headquarters in Ferraz 70, Madrid

The PSOE is established throughout Spain. In 2013 it had approximately 217,000 affiliates and 400,000 supporters, the second political party with the most affiliates in Spain. The militants are grouped in the different federations of the party. Among them, the most influential and numerous are those of Andalusia (Spanish Socialist Workers Party of Andalusia, PSOE-A), Catalonia (Party of Socialists of Catalonia, PSC-PSOE) and the Valencian Community (Socialist Party of the Valencian Country, PSPV- PSOE). Due to the electoral strength of socialism in those communities, the federations of Extremadura or Castilla-La Mancha are also noteworthy, led by the "barons" Guillermo Fernández Vara, president of the Junta de Extremadura and Emiliano García-Page, president of the Junta of Communities of Castilla-La Mancha, respectively.

Federal Congress

Since the Extraordinary Congress of 1979, the PSOE has been federally structured. The party's highest body is the Federal Congress, an assembly of delegates that chooses the general secretary and the Federal Executive Commission, sets the programmatic lines, the main objectives and the political guidelines that will govern the activity of the party until the next Congress.

The representatives of the different federations meet at the Congress, one per autonomous community (except in the case of Catalonia, in which the PSC is a federated party and not strictly a federation); plus the groups of Ceuta, Melilla, the federation of Europe (PSOE Europe) and the territorial groups of America. The Sectoral Organizations of the PSOE, the Socialist Youth as the youth organization of the party, the federal current Socialist Left or the Federation of Progressive Women also participate.

Federal Executive Commission and Federal Committee

Pedro Sánchez, last secretary general of the PSOE, elected by primary among the militants on July 13, 2014

The highest federal body between Congresses is the Federal Committee, an internal parliament that directs the party's policy, controls the management of the Federal Executive Commission (CEF), approves the national electoral lists, and has the power to choose the candidate for the Presidency of the Government, convene Federal Congresses, Political Conferences or elections to designate candidates (primary elections). The Federal Committee meets three times a year.

The Federal Executive Commission is the federal leadership of the party. It is made up of the president, the general secretary (true leader of the party), the organization secretary (a position created at the XXIV Congress and which has held great power over the party structures ever since), eleven area secretaries and eighteen secretariats. executives. Among its tasks, it stands out the concretion of the strategy and the political action to be developed by the party and the coordination between the different structures (parliamentary groups, party organizations or federations, among others) of the PSOE. The CEF meets biweekly.

After the XL Federal Congress of the PSOE held on October 15, 16 and 17, 2021, the composition of the Federal Executive Commission is as follows:

• Presidency: María Cristina Narbona Ruiz (PSOE-M)
• General Secretariat: Pedro Sánchez Pérez-Castejón (PSOE-M)
• Deputy Secretary General: María Jesús Montero Cuadrado (PSOE-A)
• Organizational Secretariat: Santos Cerdán León (PSN-PSOE)
  • Deputy speaker to the Organization secretariat: Juan Francisco Serrano Martínez (PSOE-A)
  • Managing director: Ana María Fuentes Pacheco (PSOE-A)
  • Communication Management: Ion Antolín Llorente (Independent)
• Ministry of Equality: Andrea Fernández Benéitez (PSOE-CyL)
• Electoral Strategy and Action Secretariat: José Javier Izquierdo Roncero (PSOE-CyL)
• Municipal Policy Secretariat: Alfonso Rodríguez Gómez de Celis (PSOE-A)
• Autonomous Policy Secretariat: Guillermo Fernández Vara (PSOE-Extremadura)
• Spokesman for the Executive: María del Pilar Alegría Continente (PSOE-Aragón)
• Ministry of Justice, Institutional Relations and Public Function: Llanos Castellanos Garijo (PSOE-M)
• Ministry of Studies and Programs: Idoia Mendia Cueva (PSE-EE-PSOE)
• International Policy and Development Cooperation Secretariat: Hanna Jalloul Muro (PSOE-M)
• Ministry of Transport, Sustainable Mobility and Urban Agenda: Arcadi España García (PSPV-PSOE)
• Secretariat for Democratic Memory and Laicity: Miquel Octavi Iceta Llorens (PSC)
• Secretariat Demographic Challenge: Maite Pérez Esteban (PSOE-Aragón)
• European Union Secretariat: Iratxe García Pérez (PSOE-CyL)
• The Secretariat of Ecological Transition Justa and the Preservation of Biodiversity: Marc Pons Pons (PSIB-PSOE)
• Ministry of Economics and Digital Transformation: Pedro Casares Hontañón (PSC-PSOE)
• Ministry of Culture and Sports: Manuela Villa Acosta (PSOE-M)
• Secretariat for the Toledo Pact and Social Inclusion: Iván Fernández García (FSA-PSOE)
• Ministry of Industry, Trade and Tourism: Patricia Blanquer Alcaraz (PSPV-PSOE)
• Ministry of Labour, Social Economy and Autonomous Work: Montse Mínguez García (PSC)
• Training Secretariat: María Márquez Romero (PSOE-A)
• Ministry of Education, Vocational Training: María Luz Martínez Seijo (PSOE-CyL)
• Secretariat of Science, Research and Universities: Diana Morant Ripoll (PSPV-PSOE)
• Secretariat of Social Movements, Diversity and Majorities: Beatriz Carrillo de los Reyes (PSOE-A)
• Secretariat for Transparency and Democratic Regeneration: Francisco Lucas Ayala (PSRM-PSOE)
• Social Impact and Entrepreneurship Secretariat: Amparo Marco Gual (PSPV-PSOE)
• Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Fisheries: Ana María Romero Obrero (PSOE-A)
• Ministry of Health and Consumer Affairs: Carolina Darias San Sebastián (PSC-PSOE)
• Secretariat for Constitutional Reform and New Rights: Félix Bolaños García (PSOE-M)
• LGTBI Secretariat: Víctor Gutiérrez Santiago (PSC)
• PSOE Exterior Secretariat: Pilar Cancela Rodríguez (PSdeG-PSOE)
• Ministry of Migration and Refugees: Luc André Diouf (PSC-PSOE)
• Vocals
  • Patxi López Álvarez (PSE-EE-PSOE)
  • Manuel García Salgado (PSC)
  • Sabrina Moh Abdelkader (PSOE Melilla)
  • María Nieves Ramírez Moreno (PSOE-A)
  • Isabel Rodríguez García (PSCM-PSOE)
  • Elisa Garrido Jiménez (PSOE La Rioja)
  • Álvaro Martínez Chana (PSCM-PSOE)
• Advisory Committee
  • María Jesús Montero Cuadrado (PSOE-A)
  • María del Pilar Alegría Continente (PSOE-Aragón)
  • Félix Bolaños García (PSOE-M)
  • Isabel Rodríguez García (PSCM-PSOE)
  • Miquel Octavi Iceta Llorens (PSC)
  • Eva María Granados Galiano (PSC-PSOE)
  • Santos Cerdan León (PSN-PSOE)
  • Patxi López Álvarez (PSE-EE-PSOE)
  • Óscar López Águeda (PSOE-CyL)

Socialist Group in the Senate

• Spokesman of the Socialist Group in the Senate: Eva María Granados Galiano (PSC-PSOE)
  • General Secretariat of the Socialist Group in the Senate: Gonzalo Palacín Guarné (PSOE-Aragón)
  • Deputy Spokesman and Territorial Coordination of the Socialist Group in the Senate: María Teresa Macías Mateos (PSOE-Extremadura)
  • Deputy Spokesman and Political Coordination of the Socialist Group in the Senate: César Alejandro Mogo Zaro (PSdeG-PSOE)
  • Deputy Spokesman and Directorate of the Welfare and Equality Area of the Socialist Group in the Senate: María Fernández Álvarez (FSA-PSOE)
  • Deputy Spokesman and Directorate of the Area of Fair Transitions and Employment of the Socialist Group in the Senate: Miguel Ángel Heredia Díaz (PSOE-A)
  • Deputy Spokesman and Directorate of the Area of Rights and Freedoms of the Socialist Group in the Senate: María Victoria de Pablo Dávila (PSOE-La Rioja)

Socialist Parliamentary Group at the Congress of Deputies

• Spokesman for the Socialist Parliamentary Group at the Congress of Deputies: Patxi López Álvarez (PSE-EE-PSOE)
  • General Secretariat of the Socialist Parliamentary Group at the Congress of Deputies: Isaura Leal Fernández (PSOE-M)
  • Secretariat attached to the Secretary General and Portavoz Subtituta Segunda: Ana Belén Fernández Casero (PSOE-Extremadura)
  • Secretariat attached to the Secretary General and Spokesman for the Third Substitute: José Zaragoza Alonso (PSC)
  • Secretariat attached to the Secretary General and Substitute Spokesperson IV: Susana Ros Martínez (PSPV-PSOE)
  • Secretariat attached to the Secretary General and Portavoz Subtituto Quinto: Guillermo Antonio Meijón Couselo (PSdeG-PSOE)
  • Secretariat attached to the Secretary General and Substitute Spokesperson Sexto: Esther Padilla Ruiz (PSCM-PSOE)

Spanish Socialists in the European Parliament

• Chair of the group S fakeD: Iratxe García Pérez (PSE-EE-PSOE)
  • Presidency of the Spanish Socialist Delegation: Javier Moreno Sánchez (PSOE Europa)
  • General Secretariat of the Spanish Socialist Delegation: Eider Gardiazábal Rubial (PSE-EE-PSOE)
  • General Secretariat attached to the Spanish Socialist Delegation: Javier López Fernández (PSC)
  • General Secretariat attached to the Spanish Socialist Delegation: Lina Gálvez Muñoz (PSOE-A)

As of today, PSOE Ceuta and PSOE Europe are the only federations that do not have any affiliate in the Federal Executive Commission.

There is also a Federal Policy Council that includes the PSOE general secretary, all the regional secretaries general, the spokesperson in the Senate (Eva María Granados Galiano), the secretaries of the Federal Policy Area and Organization, the general secretary of the JSE (Víctor Camino Miñana), the regional presidents and the highest-ranking member of the PSOE within the FEMP (Abel Ramón Caballero Álvarez, its president). It is currently chaired by Juan Espadas Cejas (PSOE-A).

Party federations

PSOE Headquarters in Santa Marta de Tormes (Salamanca)

Each federation of the PSOE is organized autonomously. There is a PSOE federation in each autonomous community and city. In addition, abroad, a regional federation extends to the entire European continent for Spaniards residing in that geographical area. In the regional Congresses, the leadership of the federation, called the Executive Commission, Regional Executive Commission or Federal Executive Commission, depending on the territory, is elected. A similar operation applies to provincial or smaller territorial groupings (regional, municipal, local). Although under normal conditions there does not have to be explicit interference by the federal leadership in the life of regional federations and local groups, in practice both the election of territorial leaders and the development of their own policies are generally conditioned by the acquiescence of the national leaders of the party. In case of conflict, the Federal Executive Commission can remove the leadership of a federation and appoint a manager. Lastly, federal control of the processes for drawing up closed and blocked electoral lists reinforces the authority of the CEF over the different socialist federations.

In this scheme, the Socialist Party of Catalonia (PSC) must be considered separately, in the sense that, since it is not a federation but an associated party, it is not formally subject to the authority of the general secretary, elaborates their own lists and choose an autonomous direction with respect to the federal one of the PSOE. In practice, logic requires a certain amount of coordination between the two parties which, except in cases of crisis or great divergences, makes it possible to satisfactorily harmonize socialist strategies at all levels.

The names of the 18 autonomous federations plus the associated Catalan party and the foreign federation of Europe are:

Territories	Federation	General Secretariat (mandato)	Elections	Position in front of the Autonomous Government
				Presidency	In coalition with	In the opposition
Andalusia	PSOE-A	Juan Espadas Cejas (2021-)	2022			2.a force
Aragon	PSOE-Aragon	Francisco Javier Lambán Montañés (2012-)	2019	since 2015	We can, CHA, PAR. IU-A external support
Principality of AsturiasPrincipality of Asturias	FSA-PSOE	Adrian Barbón Rodríguez (2017-)	2019	since 2012
Balearic IslandsBalearic Islands	PSIB-PSOE	Francesca Lluc Armengol Socías (2012-)	2019	since 2015	UP, MES. External support of GxF
Canary IslandsCanary Islands	PSOE Canarias	Angel Víctor Torres Pérez (2017-)	2019	from 2019	NCa, Podemos and ASG.
CantabriaCantabria	PSC-PSOE	Pablo Zuloaga Martínez (2017-)	2019		PRC
Castilla-La ManchaCastilla-La Mancha	PSCM-PSOE	Emiliano García-Page Sánchez (2012-)	2019	since 2015
Castilla y LeónCastilla y León	PSOECyL	Luis Tudanca Fernández (2014-)	2022			2.a force
CataloniaCatalonia	PSC	Salvador Illa Roca (2021-)	2021			1.a force
Valencian CommunityValencian Community	PSPV-PSOE	Joaquín Francisco Puig Ferrer (2012-)	2019	since 2015	Commitments and United Nations
ExtremaduraExtremadura	PSOE Extremadura	Guillermo Fernández Vara (2008-)	2019	since 2015
GaliciaGalicia	PSdeG-PSOE	Valentín González Formoso (2021-)	2020			2.a force
La RiojaLa Rioja	PSOE La Rioja	Concepción Andreu Rodríguez (2021-)	2019	from 2019	We can. IU external support
Community of MadridCommunity of Madrid	PSOE-M	Juan Lobato Gandarias (2021-)	2021			3.a force
Region of MurciaRegion of Murcia	PSRM-PSOE	José Vélez Fernández (2021-)	2019			1.a force
NavarraNavarra	PSN-PSOE	Maria Victoria Chivite Navascués (2014-)	2019	from 2019	GBai, Podemos. I-E external support
Basque CountryBasque Country	PSE-EE (PSOE)	Eneko Andueza Lorenzo (2021-)	2020		PNV
Ceuta	PSOE Ceuta	Juan Antonio Gutiérrez Torres (2021-)	2019			1.a force
MelillaMelilla	PSOE Melilla	Gloria Rojas Ruiz (2014-)	2019		Citizens and CpM
European Union	PSOE Europa	Isabel Báez Lechuga (2018-)

These denominations are those that appear in the respective logos of the federations.

Foundations

Like most major Spanish parties, the PSOE has various foundations and related organizations that carry out tasks of theoretical research, international cooperation, documentation and analysis, among others:

• Fundación Jaime Vera. Created in 1984, its activity was aimed at adult training and research in the field of sociology, politics and economy. Since 1 January 2010, it was integrated into the IDEAS Foundation that closed on 1 January 2014.
• Fundación Pablo Iglesias. Directed by Santos Cerdan, it is responsible for preserving and disseminating the historical archive and socialist thought.
• Fundación Ramón Rubial. Presided by Eider Gardiazábal Rubial, granddaughter of the historic socialist leader, is focused on the support and defense of the Spaniards abroad, as well as the study of their situation.
• Fundación Sistema. Directed by José Félix Tezanos, publishes journals of analysis and political thought, as System (specialized in sociology) or Items for the Debate (of analysis and political opinion). It also focuses on research and publication of studies and case studies on different topical topics.
• International solidarity. Directed by Benjamín Respaldiza Fernández, it is an NGO that focuses its activity on the regions of Hispanoamérica, the Mediterranean and Africa, mainly.

Election results

The PSOE obtained its first deputy, Pablo Iglesias, in the general elections of 1910 within the Republican-Socialist Conjunction, which included, together with the PSOE, the Radical Republican Party (PRR), the Federal Democratic Republican Party (PRDF), the Party of the Autonomist Republican Union (PURA) and independent republicans.

General Election

Autonomous elections

Compositions	Results in CCAA with statutes starting 1982 and autonomous cities (PSOE/Total Parliamentarians)															Parliamentarians autonomous
	ARA	AST	ISB	CAN	CNT	CLM	CYL	CVA	EXT	LRJ	CMA	RDM	NAV	CEU	MEL
1979	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	(15/70)			15/70
1983	(33/66)	(26/45)	(21/54)	(27/60)	(15/35)	(23/44)	(42/84)	(51/89)	(35/65)	(18/35)	(51/94)	(26/43)	(20/50)			388/764
1987	(27/67)	(20/45)	(21/59)	(21/60)	(13/39)	(25/47)	(32/84)	(42/89)	(34/65)	(14/33)	(40/96)	(25/45)	(15/50)			329/779
1991	(30/67)	(21/45)	(21/59)	(23/60)	(16/39)	(27/47)	(35/84)	(45/89)	(39/65)	(16/33)	(41/101)	(24/45)	(19/50)			357/784
1995	(19/67)	(17/45)	(16/59)	(16/60)	(10/39)	(24/47)	(27/84)	(32/89)	(31/65)	(12/33)	(32/103)	(15/45)	(11/50)	(3(/25)	(5(/25)	273/836
1999	(23/67)	(24/45)	(23/59)	(19/60)	(14/39)	(26/47)	(30/83)	(35/89)	(34/65)	(13/33)	(39/102)	(18/45)	(11/50)	(2(/25)	(2(/25)	313/834
2003	(27/67)	(22/45)	(22/59)	(17/60)	(13/39)	(29/47)	(32/82)	(35/89)	(36/65)	(14/33)	(47/111)	(16/45)	(11/50)	(2(/25)	(3(/25)	326/842
Oct. 2003	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	(45/111)	-	-	-	-	45/111
2007	(30/67)	(21/45)	(23/59)	(26/60)	(10/39)	(26/47)	(33/83)	(38/99)	(38/65)	(14/33)	(42/120)	(15/45)	(12/50)	(2(/25)	(5(/25)	334/862
2011	(22/67)	(15/45)	(19/59)	(15/60)	(7/39)	(24/49)	(29/84)	(33/99)	(30/65)	(11/33)	(36/129)	(11/45)	(9/50)	(3(/25)	(2(/25)	266/874
2012	-	(17/45)	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	17/45
2015	(18/67)	(14/45)	(15/59)	(15/60)	(5/39)	(15/33)	(25/84)	(23/99)	(30/65)	(10/33)	(37/129)	(13/45)	(7/50)	(4(/25)	(3(/25)	234/858
2019	(24/67)	(20/45)	(19/59)	(26/70)	(7/39)	(19/33)	(35/81)	(27/99)	(34/65)	(15/33)	(37/132)	(17/45)	(11/50)	(7(/25)	(4(/25)	302/868
2021	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	(24/136)	-	-	-	-	24/136
2022	-	-	-	-	-	-	(28/81)	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	28/81
2023	2023	2023	2023	2023	2023	2023	2026	2023	2023	2023	2023	2023	2023	2023	2023	0/868

Autonomous Community	Results in CCAA with statutes between 1979 and 1981 (PSOE/Total Parliamentarians)
Andalusia	1982 (66/109)	1986 (60/109)	1990 (62/109)	1994 (45/109)	1996 (52/109)	2000 (52/109)	2004 (61/109)	2008 (56/109)
	2012 (47/109)	2015 (47/109)	2018 (33/109)	2022 (30/109)	2026
Catalonia	1980 (b)33/135)	1984 (41/135)	1988 (42/135)	1992 (40/135)	1995 (34/135)	1999 (52/135)	2003 (42/135)	2006 (37/135)
	2010 (28/135)	2012 (20/135)	2015 (16/135)	2017 (17/135)	2021 (33/135)	2025
Galicia	1981 (16/71)	198522/71)	1989 (28/75)	1993 (19/75)	1997 (15/75)	2001 (17/75)	2005 (25/75)	2009 (25/75)
	2012 (18/75)	2016 (14/75)	2020 (14/75)	2024
Basque Country	1980 (b)9/60)	1984 (19/75)	1986 (19/75)	1990 (16/75)	1994 (12/75)	1998 (14/75)	2001 (13/75)	2005 (18/75)
	2009 (25/75)	2012 (16/75)	2016 (9/75)	2020 (10/75)	2024

Municipal elections

European Parliament elections

Splits

Throughout its history, the PSOE has had several splits:

• On April 15, 1920, the Federation of Socialist Youths escapes from the orbit of the PSOE to found the Spanish Communist Party.
• On April 9, 1921, a group of members of the PSOE, supporters of the entry into the Third International, founded the Spanish Workers' Party. This party merges with the Spanish Communist Party, giving rise to the Communist Party of Spain.
• After the Spanish Civil War a section of militants led by Julio Álvarez del Vayo, were expelled from the PSOE, founding the Spanish Socialist Union.
• In 1923 it was founded Unió Socialista de Catalunya, as excision of the Catalan federation of the PSOE. This party would participate in the founding of the Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia.
• After the Congress of Tolouse the Party was divided into two sectors: the renovated and the historical. The renewed PSOE will be recognized by the Socialist International and the Government. The historical sector will become a Socialist Action Party, and will participate in the founding of the United Left.
• Following the position of the PSOE in favour of NATO permanence, a sector is split to create the Federal Socialist Party.
• In 1990, the Socialist Democracy Party was founded, from the current that, with the same name, existed in the PSOE.
• In 2013 he suffered another split on the left, headed by the former president of Attac, Carlos Martínez, founding himself Socialist Alternative.
• In 2018 there is the birth of the Free Socialist Party Federation, by the union of local PSOE splits with the militancy of Socialist Alternative. It is considered heir to the Federal Socialist Party. The former first secretary of Socialist Alternative, Carlos Martínez, will also be the secretary general of the new party.

Logos

The current logo of the PSOE dates from 2001. It contains the fist and the rose, both symbols of social democracy and the French Socialist Party, whose logo was taken as a model when the original logotype was designed in 1977. Said logotype is the work of the graphic designer José María Cruz Novillo.

Probably from the 1920s, the PSOE began to use as an official symbol a drawing made up of an anvil with a book and an inkwell with a feather on it; but it was discarded in December 1977, when the fist and rose were adopted. The ancient symbol would represent the union of "Work and intelligence".

On October 3, 1998, the PSOE launched a makeover by the design studio Rafael Celda y Asociados. This redesign did not catch on and it received the adjective "artichoke" due to its more abstract design and less similar to Cruz Novillo's rose, with which it was gradually withdrawn, being used during Joaquín Almunia's campaign and in the Congress of PSOE of 2000.

Since July 2001, the logotype was placed in a red square on the right, and on the left the initials of the party were placed in another square, with the Interstate typography, a revision made by the graphic designer Claret Serrahima. Previously the logo was based on the imagotype and the initials in the Helvetica type under it.

In 2013, the party carried out a corporate identity renewal process in which an attempt was made to replace the current logo in favor of a more casual, simple and friendly one, which eliminates the fist and adds the rose to the word "socialists". This process began with the PSOE Political Conference in November 2013; however, it ceased to be used in subsequent years, particularly in 2015, when the original logo resumed prominence in party propaganda.

• 

  PSOE logo between the 20s and 70s.

• 

  The logo of the Netherlands Labour Party was provisionally used by the PSOE between 1976 and 1977.

• 

  PSOE Logo from 1977 to 2001 (coexisting with the logo on your right from 1998).

• 

  PSOE Logo from 1998 to 2001

• 

  Logo used since 2001 alternately with its subsequent variants.

• 

  PSOE Logo from 2013 to 2015

• 

  Variant of the PSOE brand in 2015

• 

  Variant of the PSOE brand in 2017

Court cases

The Spanish Socialist Workers Party, like other political parties, has been involved in various cases of corruption, among which the ERE Case of Andalusia stands out.

Some terms used in relation to the PSOE

Emiliano García-Page, president of Castilla-La Mancha.

• Baron. It refers to regional leaders. Among the barons are Adrián Barbón (president of Asturias) and Emiliano García-Page (president of Castilla-La Mancha). The term “baro” is more colloquial than official, and represents the transcendence these people have within the party.
• Socialist Left. Socialist Left is an organized stream of the PSOE, founded in 1979. Historically it has represented the most radical wing of the PSOE, and in its origin it has joined the supporters to maintain the Marxist character of the Party during the XXVIII Congress. Among the spokesmen of Izquierda Socialista, Pablo Castellano (until 1987) and Antonio García-Santesmases are notable.
• Guerristas and renovated. The “guerrismo” grouped the supporters, within the Party, of the historic leader Alfonso Guerra, Assistant Secretary General of the PSOE during the leadership of Felipe González and Vice President of the Government between 1982 and 1991. Among them were leaders such as Juan Carlos Rodríguez Ibarra, José Acosta Cubero or Matilde Fernández. In general, they stood in the left wing of the party, in contrast to the most focused approaches of the "renewers", supporters of Felipe González. The “warriorist” and “renovative” currents had their greatest role during the so-called clash between González and Guerra for the control of the party, which won virulence following the departure of the government’s War in 1991 and culminated in the XXXIII Federal Congress (1994) with the victory of the “renovators” led by González.
• Third parties. The socialists were called “tercerists” who were in favour of leaving the Second International (socialist) to join the Third International following the triumph of the Russian Revolution and the birth of the Komintern. Throughout the three Extraordinary Congresses which the PSOE held to make a decision on this issue (1919, 1920 and 1921), the thirdists obtained the majority in 1920, although the following year the party clearly rejected the entry into the communist orbit. In the face of the moderation of the leaders of the PSOE, different divisions of the party culminated in the founding in 1921 of the Communist Party of Spain.
• Sanchistas and susanists. With the fracture of the PSOE in the 2016 crisis, two great bands were defined inside the party, one that supported former Secretary General Pedro Sánchez and another supporting the then president of the Junta de Andalucía and candidate of the party apparatus, Susana Díaz. This division was corrected in the socialist primary of 2017, when Pedro Sanchez won the elections with 50% of the votes.

Additional bibliography

• Rodríguez-Flores ParraVega (2011). «The PSOE and the nation in Spain, 1974-1978. Opportunism or ideology? Ambiguity in the PSOE”. Collective work coordinated by Angeles Barrio Alonso, Jorge de Hoyos Puente, Rebeca Saavedra Arias. New horizons of the past: political cultures, identities and forms of representation. ISBN 978-84-8102-607-8. Archived from the original on 12 November 2014.