Roman IV Diogenes

Roman IV Diogenes (Greek: Ρωμανός Δ΄ Διογένης, romanized: Rōmanos IV Diogenēs; c. 1030-August 4, 1072), was a Byzantine soldier who acceded to the imperial throne between 1068 and 1071 when he married the empress Eudoxia Macrembolita.

Recognized for his military qualities, his appointment occurred at a time of great difficulty for the Empire. The extinction of the Macedonian dynasty brought serious instability to the highest peak of the state, as the borders began to be raided from all sides, especially by the Normans in Italy and the Seljuk Turks in the east. Romanus IV's main mission was to restore the military power of the Byzantine state and he tried to dedicate himself to this as best he could.

He mobilized most of his attention in the East and left what remained of Byzantine Italy to be conquered by the Normans in 1071. He led several campaigns against the incursions of the Turks, without actually defeating them. Determined to achieve a victory that could legitimize his still fragile power and end the Seljuk threat, he gathered a large army in 1071 and marched to Manzikert. There he faced the troops of Sultan Alp Arslan but was defeated at the Battle of Manzikert, which is among the most important events in the long Byzantine history. Becoming a prisoner, however, he was quickly released in exchange for a peace treaty that was quite advantageous in view of the magnitude of the defeat. However, his legitimacy was definitely undermined by this humiliation. The Ducas family, one of the most influential in the Empire and the most hostile to Romanus IV, fomented a rebellion and seized Constantinople for the benefit of Michael VII Ducas, Eudoxia's eldest son. Romanus IV tried to regain control of the situation but was defeated again. He was exiled after his eyes were gouged out and died from his injuries. Renowned for his desire to strengthen imperial power at a time of great danger, his memory remains marked by the weight of Manzikert's defeat, with grave consequences in the years following his death.

Sources

The sources on the period of the reign of Romano IV are relatively abundant since he intervened in a time of intellectual flourishing in the Empire. The two main contemporary authors of this time are Miguel Ataliates and Miguel Psellos, who defend divergent positions. The former was a strong supporter of the emperor and he praised his efforts to restore imperial military power. During his reign, he was one of his closest advisors and made Romanus IV a tragic hero. However, sometimes he shows a certain regression and does not have the same tone of admiration for him as for Nicephorus III Botaniates, sometimes reserving criticism. Miguel Psellos, close to Juan Ducas and his family in general, was the great intellectual figure of his time, although he frequently intervened in the political affairs of the Empire. Unlike Michael Ataliates, his story is hostile to Romanus IV whom he blames for the defeat of Manzikert and criticizes the lack of military talent and vanity that led him to launch campaigns for his own personal glory. Finally, he seems to have played an important role in the coup d'état that overthrew him. These two authors are, therefore, complementary but his texts must be taken with caution due to prejudices. Other writings, sometimes late, are regularly mobilized, such as those of Nicephorus Brienius, historian of the XII century or Teodoro Escutariota, writer from the XIII century; these are particularly interested in the battle of Manzikert and its consequences. They largely follow the story of Psellos as they exalt the image of John Ducas, the main political enemy of Romanus IV. The chronicle of the successor of John Escilitzes largely reproduced the story of Ataliates, but is sometimes distinguished from it. Another secondary source is that of the successor of George the Monk. Eastern sources, whether Arabic or Persian, often focus later on the Battle of Manzikert, offering little reliable information about the events. Finally, Armenian and Syriac chroniclers such as Matthew of Edessa or Michael the Syrian are generally hostile to Romanus IV, due to their distrust of the Byzantines, whom they sometimes suspected of wanting to force them to adhere to Chalcedonian dogma. More generally, the question of the relationship between Romanus IV and the Armenians remains open. Through his policy, he tried to defend the easternmost provinces of the Empire, thus rather Armenian regions and relied heavily on Armenian soldiers, but also, it seems, showed distrust towards these.

General context

The Byzantine world of the second half of the 11th century was deeply in turmoil. After his death in 1025, Basil II left a powerful Empire, almost at the peak of its expansion since Heraclius and the beneficiary of economic prosperity and a major intellectual revival. The Macedonian dynasty was able to establish an unprecedented dynastic legitimacy in the Roman-Byzantine political order, but its extinction with the death of Basil II and then Constantine VIII in 1028 put this dynasty in danger. Disputes for power accelerated as soon as there was no legitimate claimant to the throne. This was first materialized by the phenomenon of prince-spouses, during which several suitors married the last survivors of the Macedonian dynasty, who were Zoe and Theodora Porphyrogeneta. This competition, sometimes described as an opposition between aristocratic families with military functions and others with civil functions, was actually quite complex. These were clans, formed by marital alliances, geographical proximity or common concerns, that faced each other. These great families were the Ducas, the Komnenos, the Diogenes and even the Melisenos. Thus, in 1057, Isaac Komnenos took the throne when he overthrew Michael VI but faced strong opposition, embodied by the Ducas, which resulted in the seizure of power by Constantine X Ducas. When he died in 1067, he left his widow Eudoxia Macrembolita as regent for his young son Michael VII, which paved the way for new ambitions. These rivalries weakened the Empire as new peoples gathered on its borders, including the Seljuk Turks in the east, the Normans invading Byzantine Italy, or the Pechenegs north of the Danube. It is in this increasingly turbulent context that the ascension and then the reign of Romanus IV Diogenes intervenes.

Coming to power

Rise and rebellion of a general

Romano came from an ancient family of the military aristocracy of Cappadocia allied to most of the other great families of Asia Minor, and was the son of Constantine Diogenes (died 1032), general in command of the tagmas of the West, who He married a niece of Romanus III Argyrus, and was accused of conspiracy against the emperor and died under arrest. His mother was the daughter of Basilio Argyrus, brother of Romanus III. Thanks to the account of Manzikert's campaign, it is known that He not only had important properties in Cappadocia, but also in the Anatolic and Carsian thema.

The first known mention of Romano is through a seal dated around 1060, which mentions him as a strategist and patrician. The early stages of his career are unknown and it is not known if he participated in the civil war of 1057 that He brought Isaac Comnenus to the throne. The Roman soldier Diogenes began his career on the Danube frontier, where he quickly rose through the ranks of the military hierarchy. He became governor (duke) of Serdica (present-day Sofia, Bulgaria) and received the dignity of vestarch for his successes against the Pechenegs, before being accused and convinced of wanting to usurp the throne from the sons of Constantine military of Constantine X. His plan would have been revealed by one of his relatives, an Armenian according to Ataliates. Other, later sources, such as the chronicle of Jorge le Monje's successor, mention that he was taken prisoner by his own men shortly after having launched his troops towards Constantinople. According to Jean-Claude Cheynet, it is conceivable that it was his agreement with the Kingdom of Hungary that discredited him with the Bulgarian soldiers, traditional enemies of the Hungarians. In any case, he managed to make a good impression during his trial and was not executed, which could suggest that he had great support in the capital.

Ascension to the throne

Banished to his land in Cappadocia, he was summoned by Eudoxia Macrembolita to learn that the empress wanted to marry him and make him the protector of her three sons, Michael (the future Michael VII Ducas), Andronikos Ducas and Constantius Ducas. It is possible that the empress fell in love with the elegant military man, but it is also likely that she was convinced that the only way to secure the throne in one fell swoop was to marry a military man with great authority and capable of imposing it. She also thought for a time about Nicephorus III Botaniates, another influential soldier of his time, and the sources barely say the exact reasons that led her to choose Romanus over other prestigious officers. Whatever it was, her decision was not discussed, as the Seljuk Turks seized the important city of Caesarea of Cappadocia and much of Anatolia, a clear sign that the imperial army that suffered one failure after another in recent years was to be placed under the leadership of a capable and energetic general. On 25 December, Romano rose to the rank of magistrate and designated stratelata. On the night of December 31, he appeared before Michael VII to approve his appointment as co-emperor, and the next day, John Ducas, brother of the late emperor and head of the Ducas family, was faced with a fait accompli.

However, Constantine he signed for this purpose and made him publicly proclaim that he was in favor of marriage for the good of the State. The Senate had given its approval, on January 1, 1068, Romanus married the empress and was crowned emperor with the name Romanus IV Diogenes. It was a demonstration of the Byzantine conception of power that gave primacy to good. common agreement of the Empire on the preservation of hereditary rights through the oath requested by Constantine by a notable component of the civil aristocracy to the ascension to the throne of a military man. He also adds that this was evidence of the nuance necessary to bring about the idea of a conflict between a civil and a military aristocracy. Only the Varangian guard was somewhat hostile to Romano because they considered it necessary to safeguard the rights to the throne of the young Miguel Ducas. In general, the Ducas family was reserved towards Romano Diogenes, who would perhaps deprive them of their influence at the highest level of the State.. If Romanus IV preserved the rights of Michael VII, who remained co-emperor, and even Andronicus, second son of Constantine Miguel Ducas. From his possessions in Bithynia, Juan Ducas became his main opponent.

Military policy

Romanus IV, who was aware of the fragility of his legitimacy, concluded that the best way to establish his authority was to personally lead armies into combat; He thus focused the attention of the high civil hierarchy and the military on the war against the Turks. For the first time since Basil II, an emperor paid his attention to the army.

In 1067, the Seljuks made raids with impunity into Mesopotamia, Syria, Cilicia and Cappadocia where they had sacked Caesarea of Cappadocia. In the winter of that same year, they set up camp on the borders of the Empire and awaited the arrival of spring to resume their raids. For Romano, the task was difficult. The Byzantine military system had suffered some decline since the death of Basil II, partly due to the policies of Byzantine emperors, including Constantine mercenaries whose reliability and loyalty were not always achieved. Romanus IV attempted to re-establish a more local or national recruitment for the Byzantine army. He perhaps hoped to reestablish the old regional troops. In fact, the Byzantine military system was built on the themes, provinces that were defended by local troops, often recruited from time to time among the inhabitants to defend them from enemy raids. Only, with the resumption of an offensive war under the Macedonian emperors, these units gradually declined in favor of permanent units and when Romanos called it, they were in a state of misery that deprived them of any operational capacity. Despite everything, care must be taken not to paint a picture too dark of the Byzantine army. Miguel Ataliates certainly exaggerated the idea of a major military decline by placing the blame best on Romano's predecessors and the latter manages to gather significant forces, even if it meant subjecting them to harsh training. The permanent units were still of high quality and the reserve The number of troops was still enormous, to such an extent that it was conceivable that the recruitments carried out by Romanus would allow the Byzantine armed forces to exceed one hundred thousand men. However, his desire to depend less on foreign troops obviously led to his distrust., particularly the nemitzos of German origin or the Norman forces of Roussel de Bailleul. In all cases, Romano's military policy was voluntaristic although it was based on a relatively conservative vision, even reactionary according to Jean-Claude Cheynet, due to its eagerness to revive the old forces of the themes.

Two strategies were opposed within Romano's entourage. Some generals considered it necessary to abandon the newly conquered and more exposed Armenian provinces, to concentrate on the defense of the heart of Asia Minor. Others, on the contrary, claimed that the easternmost border of the Empire must be defended from the newcomers. The first, more cautious, warned of the risks of an overly ambitious expedition against the Turks. Romanus ignored this.When he took an offensive military policy, he markedly distinguished himself from Isaac I, also a general, but who opted for a much more defensive strategy. Thus, he compares Romanus IV to Phocas in his desire to consolidate the Byzantine position in the East.

Confrontation against the Seljuks

1068 Campaign

Roman's first campaign aimed at the southeastern border of the Empire, where the Saracens of the Sultan of Aleppo undertook the conquest of the Byzantine province of Syria and headed towards Antioch. It was then that he learned that a Seljuk army had raided the Pontus region (southeast of the Black Sea) and sacked NeoCaesarea. He immediately selected a small mobile force and, rushing through the Tema of Sebaste, interrupted their retreat to Tefrique, forced them to stop their plundering and release their prisoners; However, a good number of Seljuks managed to escape.

Resuming the southern route, he rejoined his army with which he continued his advance through the passes of the Taurus Mountains to the north of Germanicea to begin the invasion of the emirate of Aleppo. He seized Hierapolis, which he fortified to offer protection against new incursions into the southeastern provinces of the Empire. He then resumed fighting against the Saracens of Aleppo, but without either side obtaining a decisive victory. As the season of military campaigns came to an end, Romanus IV took the northern route, passing through Alexandria and the Cilician Gates to head towards Podando. There, he learned that the Seljuks had carried out further raids into Galatia, sacking Amorium, but had returned to their base so quickly that it was impossible to pursue them. Romanus returned to Constantinople in January 1069. In general, the results of this first campaign could be considered positive. If Romanus did not win a great victory, he would manage to put up a resistance to the incursions of the Turks and demonstrate to the local populations that the Empire could still protect them.

1069 campaign

In 1069, Romanus IV wanted to clear invaded Cappadocia, but his plans were interrupted when the leader of the Norman mercenaries, Robert Crispin, rebelled, probably due to delays in payment. The Normans began to plunder the surroundings of Edessa where they were stationed, attacking in particular the officials who collected taxes and beating the army sent against them by Romanus. Finally, the emperor had to move in person, and when he began to gather a large army, Crispino agreed to surrender. He was exiled in Abydos, but his forces continued to devastate the Armenian Theme. After ordering the execution of all the prisoners and establishing some peace in the province, Romanus headed to the Euphrates. Along the way, he annihilated a Turkish troop, then reached Melitene and crossed the river at Romanopolis, hoping to take Ahlat on Lake Van and thus protect the border with Armenia.

Romanus took the head of an expeditionary force and began his march towards Ahlat, leaving the main body of troops under the command of Philaretus Brajamius, charged with defending the border of Mesopotamia. Philaretus was quickly defeated by the Turks who sacked Iconium.; then Romano IV had to return to Sebaste. He ordered the Duke of Antioch to protect the passes of Mopsuestia while he attempted to defeat the Seljuks at Heracleia. These soon found themselves trapped in the mountains of Cilicia, but managed to reach Aleppo after abandoning their loot under pressure from the Armenians. Romanus had, therefore, to return to Constantinople without having managed to stop the Seljuks, either in Armenia or Anatolia. Engaged in an incessant war of movement, the emperor failed to achieve a decisive victory against an extremely mobile adversary whose raids began to lead to the desertification of the border provinces.

Fall of Italy

In 1070, Romanus found himself detained in Constantinople by a series of pressing matters, including the fall of Bari to the Normans. Within a few years, the situation became dramatic for the Byzantines who gave up one fortress after another. With no real help from Constantinople, some local figures attempted to resist such as Nicephorus Carantenus who repulsed an assault on Brindisi in 1070 and sent the decapitated heads of enemy soldiers to Romanus' court to encourage him to send reinforcements. In 1071, after having taken Finally Brindisi, the Normans besieged Bari, the last Byzantine stronghold in Italy, for two years, but Romanus was too busy with the Turkish threat to react immediately and could only send a rescue fleet to supply the city in the course of the year 1070. However, he was intercepted and defeated by a Norman squadron commanded by Roger of Altavilla, younger brother of Robert Guiscard, thus forcing the last Byzantine troops in Italy to capitulate on April 15, 1071. With no real ability to intervene, Romanus IV Nor was he able to conclude a matrimonial alliance by marrying one of his sons to a daughter of the Norman prince. The fall of Bari marked the end of any imperial presence on the Italian peninsula, which then experienced profound economic and demographic development.

Internal policy

In Constantinople, Romanus undertook numerous reforms that alienated different sectors of the population. To finance his military expeditions, he reduced the court's lavish expenses and questioned the beautification of the capital. The nobles of the court saw their emoluments reduced and the merchants their profits reduced to fair proportions. Provisions were made so that provincial governors and the military hierarchy did not take advantage of their functions to enrich themselves. The mercenaries, for their part, were offended by his efforts to impose discipline on his troops. Finally, he became unpopular with the people in the capital by stopping organizing races on the racecourse, and with those in the countryside by harshly imposing on the peasants, creating resentment against them. On a larger scale, his reign passed during a period of increasing economic difficulties for the Empire, embodied by the successive devaluations experienced by the Byzantine currency, which until then had remained remarkably stable. After the death of Basil II, different currencies lose their value for different reasons. For a long time, the idea of a squandering of the wealth accumulated by Basil II by his successors prevailed. However, other causes have since been alleged, such as the acceleration in the volume of coins in circulation which caused a drop in their value. In any case, under Rome, the nomisma had a value three carats lower than that of Constantine IX and the devaluation also affects the miliaresion, the silver coin.

Romanus also faced the Duches' lasting distrust of him, which surely contributed to his remaining in Constantinople to consolidate his power. Initially, he actually posed as a protector of the children of Constantine Likewise, the coins show Michael and his brothers on the obverse, while Romanus appears alone on the reverse, with Eudoxia, attesting to his constitutional inferiority. However, these symbols were not misleading for long... Eudoxia Macrembolita quickly bore him two sons who became inevitable potential suitors for Romanus' succession. Furthermore, Michael Psellos repeatedly accused him of governing as an autocrat and of excessively distrusting his advisors, a trait confirmed by Constantine Manasseh who, however, was not a contemporary of Romanus. It is difficult to know in detail Romano's way of governing, but we must be careful not to follow to the letter the opinion of Miguel Psellos, whose partiality is marked. Elements of the chronicle of Miguel Ataliates, who attended the military councils, rather give the image of an emperor open to debate.

However, Romanus IV did not forget his main enemies, the Seljuks. He reinforced several fortresses in Anatolia such as that of Sublaius in Phrygia, near Coma. Some generals were already proposing to abandon the issues of Armenia (the eastern end of the Empire around Lake Van) to concentrate on those of Anatolia. Unable to direct the campaign himself that year, he entrusted the imperial army to one of his generals, Manuel Komnenos, nephew of the former emperor Isaac I and older brother of the future emperor Alexius I Komnenos. This decision attests to the rapprochement between the emperor and the influential Comnenus family, probably to counteract the Ducas, since Romanus married his son Constantius to Theodora, a sister of Manuel. Anna Dalasenus, Isaac's ambitious sister-in-law, certainly did not She was alien to this alliance. Manuel, appointed to the high office of protostrator, fought against the Seljuks, but was defeated and captured near Sebaste by their general, called Chrysosculus, in rebellion against the sultan. He convinced him to return to him. to Constantinople to meet Romanus IV in person where he received the dignity of prohedron and concluded a pact. Meanwhile, Sultan Alp Arslan besieged Edessa without being able to take it, but capturing the important fortresses of Manzikert and Archesh, while a raid It penetrated as far as the fortress of Conia in Phrygia. Romanus later offered to exchange the two lost cities for Hierapolis in Syria, which he captured three years earlier. The sultan accepted and continued with his army in the direction of Aleppo to fight against the Fatimids. This was a sign that the sultan did not want a full-scale war against the Byzantines to be concentrated against his Egyptian rivals, which would deny him the title of leading political authority in the Muslim world.

Battle of Manzikert and capture of Romanus IV Diogenes

The Campaign and the Battle

The agreement given by Alp Arslan did not change anything in the plan of Romano IV, who undoubtedly wanted to remove the sultan from Armenia to more easily reconquer the lost positions. In any case, after several campaigns, he was unable to stop the attacks by the Turks and now sought to gain the upper hand with a large-scale expedition. In the early spring of 1071, the emperor set out with Chrysosculus and Manuel Komnenos at the head of an imposing army, estimated in most cases at 40,000 men, towards Manzikert. This important fortress, north of Lake Van, It was the Seljuk gateway to Byzantine territory. There he sent part of his mercenary forces, including Roussel's Franks of Bailleul, to plunder the surroundings of Chliate and felt he could retake Mantzikert with a small fraction of his army. He entrusted Joseph Tarcaniota with the mission of taking Chliate with the main body of troops and made sure to seize the Armenian fortress. However, he had divided his forces, making him more vulnerable even as Alp Arslan approached, having hastily aborted his Syrian campaign against the Fatimids.

It is under these conditions that the battle began. Its exact location remains unclear, but the Byzantines faced the main army, led by Alp Arslan, and not a small troop. Quickly, some of Romanus's troops deserted, particularly the Oguzes who joined the Seljuks. Despite this, the emperor rejected a peace offer from the sultan and launched an assault. According to Ataliates, he was initially victorious. but, fearing that he had advanced too far, he tried to rally his troops who interpreted the order as a retreat and began to flee. Several sources mention that Andronikos Ducas, the son of the late Constantine This version of Ataliates reveals that there was no real large-scale confrontation and that the emperor was isolated before the enemy, valiantly trying to fight before being captured. According to Nicephorus Brienius, there was a pitched battle in which the Turks broke the right wing of the Byzantines, while Andronicus Ducas retreated with the reserve army, leaving the emperor isolated and dedicated to capture. It seems that the emperor He attempted to challenge the enemy and continued to fight, even when his horse was killed beneath him. However, having received a blow to the hand, he was unable to continue wielding his sword and was soon taken prisoner.

The capture

According to several Byzantine historians, including John Scylitzes, Arslan could not believe his eyes when the emperor, dusty and in tattered clothing, was brought before him. The event has a certain impact, especially in the Muslim world where many writings, often later, refer to him. According to tradition, the sultan leaves his seat, puts his foot on the neck of the Byzantine emperor; Then, having completed this rite of humiliation, he relieves Romanus IV Diogenes and treats him with dignity, using all possible courtesy so as not to offend his prisoner during the eight days he spends in his camp. It is difficult to have an exact idea of the exchanges that the two leaders may have had, but Muslim sources occasionally mention that the sultan interrogates the emperor to find out what fate would have befallen him if the situation were reversed. And Romano responds that he probably would have executed him. True or not, this exchange does not prevent a compromise. The Sultan quickly frees the Emperor when he realizes that there is an opportunity to secure a deal in his favor, while by holding him captive he risks encouraging a shift in power within the Empire that would be unfavorable to him. The signed treaty ratifies territorial cessions probably to the Vaspurakan including Mantzikert but also Antioch, in addition to the promise of a large ransom. First set at 10,000,000 nomismas, this ransom was soon reduced to 1,500,000 payable immediately and a tribute of 360,000 nomismas payable annually. A prisoner exchange and a 50-year peace are concluded.

What is Romano IV's part of responsibility in the defeat? A common point in the various accounts is the retreat of Andronicus Ducas, whether or not he intended to betray the emperor. Beyond that, the mistake often made in Romanus' responsibility is to have divided his army before the battle, thus weakening his numerical advantage. Perhaps he was too confident in his forces, an observation sometimes corroborated by testimonies of his presumption, but it also seems that he forgot to inquire sufficiently about his adversary and the importance of the approaching Seljuk army, personally commissioned by the sultan. In an article, Antonios Vratimos dwells on several passages from Byzantine sources that claim that his harsh attitude towards soldiers weakened the troops' morale. In particular, he would have excessively punished certain indisciplines and would have preferred to sleep on his property than in military camps with his men.The Battle of Mantzikert has been widely debated among historians. It has often been described as the clash that paved the way for the Seljuk invasion of Anatolia, making it an important battle in medieval history. However, if the defeat was notable and aggravated by the capture of the emperor, it was not synonymous with a military collapse on the side of the Byzantines, as demonstrated by the treaty between the sultan and Romanus IV, which did not provide for an important territorial cession. It was therefore less a military and diplomatic disaster than a serious spark in a particularly tense Byzantine political and social context.

Exile and death

If the defeat of Manzikert does not entail too serious consequences for the Turks, it also provides perfect conditions for Romano's adversaries, eager to reverse it. Romanus IV may have been freed by Alp Arslan and obtained a fairly lenient peace treaty, but the combined humiliation of defeat and captivity seriously weakened his legitimacy.

Caesar John Ducas returns in haste from Bithynia, where Romanus IV exiled him before his departure. Is the abruptness of his reaction proof that a plot was prepared before the departure for Romanus IV's campaign? The mystery remains open but he quickly took advantage of the power vacuum to prevail with the help, among others, of Miguel Psellos. Eudoxia Macrembolita's role is uncertain. Miguel Ataliates claims that she contributed to the overthrow of her estranged husband, but other later sources qualify this position. According to Ataliates, he signed it, but he may have done so under pressure from the Ducas and it is also possible that, without knowing Since her husband is still alive and has been freed by Alp Arslan, she sought above all to preserve her children's rights to the throne. By favoring the return of Juan Ducas to the capital, he could hope to gain his favor. This is the conclusion of Antonios Vratimos who believes that Eudoxia did indeed sign the deposition act but did so to remain in front of the stage while ignoring the true fate of her husband. For his part, as soon as he was released, Romano IV wrote a letter to his wife to inform her that he was back but he was unable to reverse the situation because Eudoxia was forced by Juan Ducas to retire to a convent. This one too he refuses to ratify the agreement reached between Romano and Arslan. Romano is on his way home when the Ducas family sends Constantine and Andronikos Ducas to block his path. The composition of the two armies is imperfectly known; however, it reveals significant divisions in Byzantine society. Roman IV can count on the easternmost forces of the Empire, coming from Armenia and Cappadocia, while Ducas mobilized Frankish and Norman mercenaries, as well as troops from other regions of Anatolia, presumably from the western part, and soldiers from the capital. Within the capital itself, there is no unit.

The two sides battle in Docea where the army of Romanus IV, commanded by Teodoro Aliates, is defeated. He is forced to retreat to the fortress of Tyropeon, in Cappadocia, and from there to Adana in Cilicia to spend the winter, accompanied by Chataturius, Doge of Antioch. Negotiations take place, without results because Romanus refuses to give in. his throne. The following year, a new army, commanded by Andronicus assisted by the Norman mercenary Roberto Crispín, forced him to surrender after having received guarantees from the new emperor for his personal safety. Before leaving the fortress, he collects all the money he can. find and send the sum to the sultan as proof of his good faith, along with a message that reads: "When I was emperor, I promised you a sum of one and a half million. Now that I am deposed and will soon become dependent on others, I send you everything I own as a token of my gratitude.”

Miguel Ataliates describes in detail the end of Romano, who is forced to wear the monastic habit as soon as he surrenders before crossing Asia Minor on the back of a donkey, in full view, perhaps exaggerating the facts to give more weight to the story. tragic figure built around Romano IV and his misfortune. Other sources, including Michael Psellos or Arabic authors, report that he embraced the monastic vocation at his own expense, perhaps finding solace there after the Mantzikert disaster. On the way, he is accompanied by three bishops who must ensure his safety. The chroniclers of the time were then careful to promote the figure of the emperor ready to join the status of monk, more estimable than the vanity of the exercise of power. Romanus IV would submit to it out of humility, after a reign that ended abruptly and he asked to be allowed to live "to satisfy his creator and continue with difficulty the path of asceticism". In any case, when The troops escorting the deposed emperor approach Constantinople, John Ducas sends the men to blind Romanus IV, and then exile him to the island of Proti in the Sea of Marmara, confined in the monastery that he himself would have founded. Deprived of medical attention, Romanus would die a few weeks later as a result of this injury. The final insult was to be pronounced days before his death, when Romanus IV Diogenes received a letter from Michael Psellos in which he congratulated him for having lost the sight, a sure sign that the Almighty has deemed him worthy of a brighter light. The deposed emperor dies on August 4, 1072, praying for the forgiveness of his sins; His wife, Empress Eudoxia, receives permission to give him a lavish funeral on the island where he died.

Marriage and offspring

Roman IV had two wives:

Anna Alusian, died before 1065, daughter of Alusian, governor of the Tema of Theodosiopolis and claimant to the throne of Bulgaria in 1041, and granddaughter of Ivan Vladislav and Maria, with whom she had at least one child:

• Constantine Diogenes, killed in battle in Antioch in August 1073, married to Teodora Comneno, died after 1094, niece of Isaac I brother of Alejo I Comneno, with whom probably:
  • Ana Diogenes, wife of Uroš I of Rascia;

On January 1, 1068, he married Eudoxia Macrembolita, widow of Constantine X and daughter of John Macrembolita, of whom:

• Leon Diogenes (born about 1069); according to Ana Comneno, he was appointed co-emperator during the reign of his father; Army General under Alejo I, died during the campaign against the Pechenegos in 1087;
• Nicephorus Diogenes (born about 1068 and dead after 1094), governor of Cyprus under Alejo I, who rebelled against him and was blinded and exiled in 1094.

Historiography

Roman IV Diogenes left an ambivalent image. In the Byzantine world, the vision of Ataliates, which makes him a competent emperor, determined to fight against the threats that attack the Empire, but tragically fails, and that of Psellos, much more critical, contrast. In the Timarion, a satirical tale probably written in the following century, he is a Roman represented in the guise of a ghost with his eyes gouged out who recounts his successive failures to the hero, who then ventures into the Underworld. ="font-variant:small-caps;text-transform:lowercase">xviii, Edward Gibbon emphasized the emperor's voluntarism, his "invincible courage" and the fact that "his courage and successes inspired activity in his soldiers, hope in his subjects, fear in his enemies,", while dwelling further on his too great recklessness at Manzikert and the captivity that followed. Georg Ostrogorsky sees in Romano a representative of the military party of the Empire, in his already outdated vision of an opposition between civil aristocracy and military nobility. A skilled and brave general, he does everything possible to save the Empire, but suffers latent opposition from a civilian party responsible for the decline of the Empire. Warren Treadgold writes about him that he was able to take the correct measure of the situation and that he understood that "without a strong army, even the heart of Byzantine territory would be threatened." If he ran out of time to fulfill his desire to strengthen the Empire and showed recklessness at Manzikert, he understood, unlike other emperors, "how the extension of the Byzantine Empire left it fragile." Anthony Kaldellis takes up the idea of a tragic figure, who made true efforts to strengthen the Empire and never stooped to fierce repression against his opponents but suffered, in return, conspiracies and betrayals.