River Plate Spanish

Variants of rioplatense Spanish in the Eastern Republic of Uruguay.

Variants of the Spanish language spoken in Argentina.

Area where the main cities are located where the Spanish rioplatense is used.

Rioplatense Spanish or Rioplatense Castilian is a dialect of Spanish spoken in Argentina and Uruguay; it is also divided by country between Argentine Spanish (es-AR) and Uruguayan Spanish (es-UY). Its use extends in the area of the Río de la Plata basin, therefore in a large area of Argentina and in all of Uruguay, and other surrounding regions. Focused on the following urban agglomerations: Buenos Aires and its metropolitan area (definition where La Plata is currently included), Montevideo, Rosario, Mar del Plata, Santa Fe-Paraná, Bahía Blanca and Neuquén, each city with its corresponding suburb or metropolitan area. These are the most important population centers in the region, this idiomatic variant extends its cultural influence to geographically distant areas, especially through audiovisual media, in which it is the standard reading for Argentina and Uruguay. In regions that show close communication ties with other countries —such as the borders with the southwest (west) of Bolivia, Paraguay or Brazil—, in which the influences of other languages, such as Quichua, Guarani, and Portuguese —for example in the case of northern Uruguay— are notable, it has come to merge with them, creating different variants. However, in sites with a relatively stable population since before the migratory waves of the 19th and XX, is the most widespread form of Spanish in the region.

Distinctive features

Its distinctive features are:

• International extension: It is spoken in the countries of Argentina and Uruguay in the area of the Rio de la Plata.
• Diversity of variants: As the two countries are a very large area, in demographic and geographical terms, in both countries, variants that have minor or complex differences are developed and usually affect provinces or entire regions.
• Merge zones: In both countries there is a kind of fusion with the dialects of neighbouring states, as is the case of southern Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay. From that mixture, variants appear to be midpoints or transition points.
• The Voseo: the use of special forms for the second person of the singular, which especially alters the conjugation in present. It is the most characteristic phenomenon of Spanish rioplatense, in terms of distinction with other dialects. It also presents variations: a fully voseo voseo ("vos tenés"), a pronominal voseo ("vos tiene") and another verbal ("tú tenés"). The first case is the most famous and widespread; the last one affects a part of Uruguay, and the second is a rare case that occurs in the region of Cuyo or the Argentine Northwest or in the province of Santiago del Estero, where its link with the neighbouring countries and its Spanish past is responsible.
• Particular form of yoism: called rehilated yoism, defined as pronunciation of the elle as ye, plus a vibration at the point of articulation that adds soundness to it. What is the assimilation of the approximate lateral consonant ll (b) ]) and the approximate palatal and ([j]), which is usually performed in a postalveolar fricative, [ or [CHUCKLES]. (See below, section 2.1, "Yeism")
• Verbal modes: the preference for the periphratic future (I will go) on the imperfect future (I will), the choice of a simple past (I said) against composite pasts (I said, I said) and voseante imperatives ("I came" instead of "Come", or "do it" instead of "do it"). The first and last examples are general to the two countries, while the second one alternates, as in the province of Córdoba or is imposed on the simple forms as is the case of the Northwest.
• Shared peculiar submissions: The aspiration of the sybilant ([s]) medial. This feature is common with many other Spanish language dialects, with particular variants in each area. It is also present in the regions of Cuyo and the Northwest the seedling [.] (written ‹r› in initial position, ‹rr› among vowels), which in the emission is perceived as a sort of whistle.
• Strongly rhythmic intonation pattern: particularly marked in Buenos Aires, thanks to the frequent elision of vowels in the diptongos.
• Traits acquired by influence: the immigratory currents, which arrived in Argentina and Uruguay, composed especially of people coming from Italy, different parts of Spain, such as the Basque Country, Catalonia, Canary Islands, Galicia and Andalusia, and of neighbouring countries, make it possible to make the special form of the unique and non- homogeneous lexicon. To all this we must add the different intonations of each region of the two countries, i.e. the famous "cantitos", originated in the mixture of the indigenous substrate, immigrant with the local pronunciation. Particularly strong is the influence of Italian and its dialects in the "tonada" of Buenos Aires, Rosario, Santa Fe (Capital.) and Montevideo. There are numerous italianisms, i.e. words derived from Italian or spoken languages on the italic peninsula, among others: pibe (de) pivetto, boy, apprentice in Genoese), the bore (de) Lavorowork), manyar (de) mangiare, eating, that in lunfardo acquired the meaning of "undering"), festichola (de) festicciola, diminutive festa, party), fiend (de) fiacca, flake, degano, laziness and even annoyance) and mufa (lucky, Italian) muffa, mold).

Phonology

Yeism

Like Spanish in general, River Plate Spanish is rich in allophones. The most distinctive of these, typical of the group of dialects of central South America, is undoubtedly yeísmo; As in most areas of Peninsular Spanish and other American dialects, River Plate Spanish lost the distinction between the old approximant palatal lateral consonant represented by the spelling ‹ll› and the old approximant palatal consonant represented by the spelling ‹y›.

However, while in the Iberian Peninsula both are normally realized as a semiconsonant [j] or its allophone [ʝ] , in the Río de la Plata they moved to a postalveolar pronunciation. Formerly, the pronunciation was predominantly voiced (called "zheísmo"), [ʒ] or [dʒ], similar to that represented by the spelling j in French and Portuguese; However, since the last quarter of the XX century, there has been a marked trend, rooted in the younger population, particularly in Buenos Aires, Montevideo and Rosario, to prefer the voiceless [ʃ] (called "sheísmo"), similar to that represented by the spelling ‹sh› in English.

It is important to clarify that in areas where the Río de la Plata coexists with other varieties, such as in some parts of northeastern Argentina, especially in the Guaranítica region, the population differentiates between the palatal ll lateral and the y. This same distinction occurs in areas of northwestern Argentina, such as the province of Jujuy, where Andean Spanish is also spoken.

Listen

As in most varieties of Spanish outside the center and north of the Iberian Peninsula, the Río de la Plata sesea, that is, it did not develop the voiceless interdental fricative consonant /θ/ which, in most of Spain, is the value of the spelling ‹c› or ‹z› and differentiates it from /s/, written ‹s›. This causes numerous cases of homonymy that do not exist in mainland Spanish and has therefore led to changes in the vocabulary.

For its part, /s/, although nominally considered a voiceless alveolar fricative consonant [s] —of the dental type, and not apical-alveolar as in northern Spain— is extremely labile in its segmentation, and tends to to assimilate to adjacent phonemes. It is not uncommon for it to be aspirated at the end of the syllable, being replaced by a voiceless glottal fricative consonant [h] or even a voiceless vowel; thus, ‹helmet› would be pronounced [kahko]. Alternatively, at the end of the word it can be linked to the initial vowel of the following word (Las Heras [la'seras]), a pronunciation sometimes considered more cultured. Full elision of /s/ in front of vowel or final is rarer, and is limited to more popular speech. The frequency of the appearance of the phenomenon of aspiration and its intensity varies according to the different geographical areas where the Río de la Plata variety is spoken, being more common and marked in small towns and rural areas, and less common in the large cities of the region. (Buenos Aires and Montevideo).

Similarly, other fricatives and the alveolar trill consonant /ɾ/ may also be elided or aspirated in word final, accentuating the rhythm of alternations between consonants and vowels.

• Fonema /x/ (written as.g. before.e. or,, and as.j. in other places) never boasts [h] on the Atlantic coast. This phenomenon is common to other dialects of the lowlands of American Spanish, but it is not given in Spanish. The Spanish speakers always do so as [x].
• In some areas, speakers tend to remove the /r/ end sound in the infinitive verbal and /s/ end in most words. This elision is considered a rare feature in some places, but it is widespread in others, at least in quick speech.
• Many speakers merge / que / on / nj / what makes Hundred which is similar in definition to "unknown" and uranium "uranio" are pronounced the same.
• [v] is a relatively common alophone of /b/. Some speakers use it to emphasize, especially when they pronounce written words with.v..
• [n] is done alveolar and not watch as in other varieties of the lowlands.

• The elimination of vowels in diptongos produces a much more pronounced and rhythmic intonation.

• The aspiration of /s/ along with the loss of /r/ final produces a remarkable simplification of the structure of the syllable, which gives the informal rioplatense a fluid and distinctive rhythm of consonant-vocal-consonant-vocal:

If you want to go, walk. I'm not stopping you.

"If you want to go, then go, I won't stop you."

[if ke everbrusha ^ite ãnхdate أن بي بي بي بي من من من من من من من من من مان مان من مان من من ]

Lexicon

Painted “CHORROS” (in Lunfardo: ‘ladrones’) in a BNL branch in Buenos Aires. The word ♪ lunfarda derives from the Spanish lime chorowhose meaning is precisely ‘ladron’. This is explained by the important influence — already from the Spanish Conquest—andaluz. In parts of Argentina, for example: in much of the Argentine province of Córdoba is said precisely choro, while in other parts of the country, such as the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires, the same word with the same meaning is written with the signifier ♪.

The lexicon of River Plate Spanish is enriched with:

• Italianisms (because of the massive immigration of Italians). For example: the bore (from the Italian word Lavoro = 'work'), manyar (from the Italian word mangiare: 'comer' and in lunfardo, translaticiamente, 'under', 'asimilar a knowledge').
• Native language loans.
• Loans of dialects and languages from neighbouring countries especially of Brazilian Portuguese.
• Incorporations of other languages, especially European, including English and French.

In addition, lunfardo, a slang born from the dialect, contributes a large number of components to its lexicon.

Intonation

Rioplatense Spanish presents tonic patterns that clearly distinguish it from any other variety of the language; studies from the first half of the 20th century indicate that the change occurred gradually over those years, replacing the tonic curve typical of the southern varieties of peninsular Spanish —in which the highest point of the curve immediately follows the stressed syllable— by one in which both elements coincide.

The variation could be due to an assimilation of tonic patterns from Italian and other languages such as Galician and Portuguese. According to research conducted by the National Council for Scientific and Technical Research, CONICET published in Bilingualism: Language and Cognition, the intonation of the Río de la Plata, especially in Buenos Aires, is a derivation of the Neapolitan accent. According to said investigation, the present Neapolitan-type intonation prevailed in the course of the XX century, while before the porteño had more similarities with Andalusian, while in Uruguayan Spanish, this variety had more similarities with the Canarian dialect.

Morphology

Voseo

Rioplatense Spanish is exceptional in its use of the pronoun «vos» and its conjugations as the accepted form in the spoken and written language for the second person singular. The same type of voseo is used in Costa Rica, Nicaragua and the rest of Central America but does not enjoy the same prestige in its written form. Other dialects that they speak, such as that of Chile, Colombia and Venezuela, usually restrict it to colloquial speech or only spoken language. The phenomenon also entails changes in the conjugation of verbs, which present regional variants and social stratification.

The voseo uses verb forms derived from the formal treatment of the second person singular in Spanish of the XVI century, derived in turn of the Latin second person plural forms. The attached table shows the differences with the international form.

The form you remains unchanged; As in the Iberian Peninsula, and unlike other Spanish-American dialects, it has respect value, and is extremely unusual among speakers who know each other, in informal contexts, and among family members. On the contrary, the plural ustedes replaces vosotros in all cases, losing the distinction between familiar forms and of respect.

Although the verb conjugation for the pronoun vos seems to vary only in stress from the standard form (showing the pattern tú amas → you love, you eat → ''you comés''), actually comes from medieval forms (''vos amades'', ''vos comedes''), in which the diphthong that gave rise to second person plural forms in contemporary peninsular Castilian. In verbs in which the root shows vowel alternations with the conjugation, this difference is not preserved in the form of vos, which maintains the vowel of the infinitive (for example, tú lien, but you lie).

In the other modes, the difference is similar.
The imperative is similar to the second person plural, but it loses the final -d (talk → talk).

On the other hand, for the subjunctive mood, there is social variation in River Plate Spanish. The form considered standard and used in the written media and by the middle and upper layers of society is identical and exact to the one used for the pronoun you (examples: "quiero que you bring the bread", "do what you want"); however, mainly in the lower social strata and those with less education, but not only in them, the voseante forms are also used (hablés, comás, perdás , partás, say, sleep, etc.). In the voseante dialects outside of Río de la Plata, the use of the conjugation of vos in the subjunctive does not normally have any inferior social connotation.

The voseo in verb conjugations

The voseo causes many modifications with respect to the familiar form in the different tenses, the tenses being most affected: the present and the imperative.

• Voseo pronominal It consists of the use of you as a second-person pronoun of the singular instead of you and you. Vos is used as a subject: "You may have reason" (Herrera Casa [Ven. 1985]); as a vocation: "Why do you have it against Alvaro Arzú, vos?" (Prensa [Guat.] 3.4.97); as a preposition term: "Every time you go out with you, you get sick" (Penerini Aventura [Arg. 1999]); and as a lesser. However, for the atonous pronoun (the one used with the pronominal verbs and the unpreposed supplements) and for the possessive, the forms of tuteo te and you, yours, respectively, are used: "You slept with the nut" (Gené Ulf [Arg. 1988]).

"Keep your thirst" Slogan advertising in imperative in a building the city of Trelew.

• Verbal opinion: consists of the use of verbal disindences characteristic of the second person of the plural, more or less modified, for the conjugated forms of the second person of the singular: you vivis, you comés. The voseante verbal paradigm is characterized by its complexity, because on the one hand it affects to a different extent to each verbal time and, on the other, the disindences vary according to geographical and social factors, and not all forms are accepted in the culte norm.
  • Verbal voice in the times of present: the last syllable is usually accentuated, in this way You eatIt is You eat. This change is explained by the evolution of the old Spanish conjugation that used the vos for the plural of the second person making You eat. Then I would use it to express respectful treatment, as a second formal singular person, but then in the use of the people of many areas took value as a second casual singular person, replacing the tuteo, with the loss of the i.
  • Verbal voice in the times of the past: the voseo rioplatense does not usually affect the forms of the imperfect preterito of indicative or copretérito (cantabas, bebias) or those of the imperfect preterito or pretérito of subjuntivo (amaras o amases, hads or hads). For the simple perfect preterite the second person of the plural was used without diptongar (returns). It also gives the loss of the first -s- of the termination, keeping the -s final: volates, perdites, servites, instead of flying, you lost, serviste. Although this is the etymological form (lat. volvistis, classic Spanish volvistes), even in fully voseante regions it is preferred at this time the use of the second person form of the singular (returned), due to the vulgar connotations that have the singular forms of the preterito with -s (you came). However, the final s appears in some speakers, considered archaic and vulgar.
  • Oral vote in future: the future is not affected by the voseo.
  • Oral vote on conditionalNeither is conditional or postpreterito affected (sings, writings).
  • Verbal voice in the imperative: the voseante forms of imperative were created from the second person of the plural, with loss of the final -d: tomá (number of tomad), poné (≤ putd), wrote (" letter "). The voseante imperatives lack the irregularities inherent in the second-person imperative of the singular of the tuteante areas. So, in front of the irregulars di, sal, come, ten, do, put, measure, play, want, hear, etc., they are used deci, I came, I came, have, I put, medi, play, I wanted, hear, etc. These verbal forms are tilde because they are acute words finished in the vowel; when the voseante forms of the imperative are accompanied by some cyclical pronoun, they also follow the general rules of accentuation (→ Tilde 2, 4.3): "Beethoven, imagine it. Imagine your melena" (Rovner Concierto [Arg. 1981]). It should be added that in Spanish rioplatense the verbs "ver" and "ir" are defective and the form of "ve" imperative is not used, replacing itself with the corresponding forms of the verbs "look" and "andar", that is, "lead" and "andá".

Characteristics of voseo

The area of the dialect is enormous and homogeneity is impossible; however, the variants of the Río de la Plata develop the following particularities:

• Modalities of voseo exclusively verbal: is a typical phenomenon of certain areas of Uruguay, such as the department of Rocha. The subject of voseante verbal forms is you: "No, you cannot have gone with them" (Plaza Cerrazón [Ur. 1980]).
• Modalities of voseo exclusively pronominal: in a similar way, but in regions that formerly did not form part of the Buenos Aires governorate, as in the case of Cuyo (Chilean Government) and in a lesser part the Northwest of Argentina (virreinate of Peru). The novelty is that you are the subject of a verb conjugated with the forms of the tuteo: "You have the fault to make you treat badly." This way of voseo is given today in the oldest classes and never in the youngest, being able to lose in the future, except in the cities of Santiago del Estero, La Banda and other areas of the Province of Santiago del Estero, Argentina, where the pronominal voseo is the usual without distinction of ages or classes.
• Fully voicing modalities: It is given in almost all Uruguay, Paraguay and Argentina. The subject you are accompanied by verbal forms of voseo: "You cannot give them the papers before seventy-two hours" (Martínez Flight [Arg. 2002]). Existing the exclusive use of you in the verbal and pronominal.

A widely cultured voseo

The Rio de la Plata dialect, Costa Rican Spanish, Nicaraguan Spanish, Chapaco Spanish, Camba Spanish and Paraguayan Spanish are the only ones in which voseo is part of the cultured norm. In other words, Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay, southern Bolivia, Costa Rica and Nicaragua are the only areas that almost completely excluded the you from the paradigm. The voseo as part of the educated norm was imposed to mark the national personality within the group of Spanish speakers at the time of the evolution of separatist thought in America, in the XIX. Likewise, at the same time, gaucho literature and poetry became very popular. The gaucho was presented as a symbol of Argentine identity, because gaucho literature was based on the speech of the rural population and avoided the classical norms of Spanish. The gaucho language was considered the national and Argentine language. The great difference between Argentina and other voseo countries is the use of voseo in literature and in cultured language without any qualms. In Central America, as well as in other areas of South America, voseo contends with " ustedeo", that is, the use of you for situations of trust: for example, in Costa Rica, where voseo is widely spread, children at school are educated to address each other as usted to avoid its use towards the elders, and the voseo is used in an informal and trusting context among people close to the speaker. In certain regions of Argentina, such as Cuyo, it is frowned upon that young people and adults treat the elderly as you and also in a funny way they usually treat pets as you. The Argentine Academy of Letters accepted the use of you as legitimate in 1982, due to the extension of its use and to the fact that prestigious authors also use the voseo in their works, "You think you are in this piece but you are not", by Julio Cortázar in "Rayuela".

Time bending

Variants typical of the dialect are observed in past and future temporal inflections. Which does not suppose a disappearance of these, but a replacement by other forms that try to express the same thing. This disappearance or omission is not a vulgarism, but a dialectal evolution. In some cases it is comparable to the evolution of Spanish itself, since this language also replaced the Latin tenses such as past partially and future fully, supplanting it by the current future perfect which, if observed in detail, is a future merged result. in an ancient compound form. With what has been said, it is not surprising that the River Plate native does the same, in this case with the future perfect of Spanish.

Past

The periphrastic forms of the past tense —the present perfect compound and the preterite anterior, although not the pluperfect— are very rare in much of River Plate Spanish, although they appear from time to time in written usage, cultisms, and predominate in the north from Argentina. They are usually replaced by simple past tense and imperfect tense, which therefore does not distinguish between the perfective ("Juan did not come") and the imperfective ("Juan did not come"; for example, a speaker of Spanish from Rio de la Plata will say in general "Juan still has not come" (or something similar While for the second case with the past tense in the imperfect tense, the River Plate native gives a new use in total replacement of the compound past tense, the imperfect past tense being used in this dialect also as a relatively recent past tense. For example, speakers of other dialects would express themselves like this:'I've been playing with Nico until recently'' or 'I was playing with Nico until recently", while that someone from the River Plate could say: "I was just playing with Nico" or, if I wanted to allude to a longer time, "I was playing with Nico (all afternoon)".This evolution and replacement is totally common in the whole area of the dialect, except in almost all the fusion zones of the north of the country.

The use, according to Vidal de Battini (1966, 189), in this case of different forms of the past tense (I sang/I have sung) is varied because it is very extensive (Uruguay and Argentina) and there are clearly differentiated areas: for a On the one hand, the north of the country where alternation is dominant (Northwest and to a lesser extent Cuyo), on the other hand, Buenos Aires, the Litoral (Santa Fe and Entre Ríos) and Patagonia Argentina. Finally, there is also alternation of forms in the Central and Northeastern regions. In conclusion, it is Donni de Miranda who, when outlining the general aspects of the Spanish spoken in Argentina and, later, when proposing the features of unity and dialectal differentiation of its verbal system (1992), also points out that, except in northern areas of the country, the compound perfect lost its sense of connection with the present in the spoken language and the past simple is preferred in almost all kinds of contexts. And he adds that the compound perfect is somewhat more frequent at the formal cult level.

The loss of the compound past was analyzed by Hugo Kubarth (1992) who, after an investigation carried out on 30-minute surveys of 100 porteños of three sociocultural levels and three age groups, points out that he is alive in Buenos Aires, although the index of its frequency of use, in relation to the simple form is 13% compared to 20% in Mexico (Moreno) and 58% in Spain (Criado de Val). From the description of their results, it can be concluded that in Buenos Aires the compound form does not work as a form immediately prior to the enunciation or antepresent, and it is not used in climactic or emotional moments of the narration, however it is used as a resultative form with relevance of the present. What seems most striking about his conclusions is that Buenos Aires may have developed a particular pattern with respect to other American languages: "The tendency to eliminate the compound past tense in Buenos Aires seems pronounced enough to speak of a particular local development" (p.565). It seems that in high sociolects and older generations, the compound form is considered prestigious. In any case, the young generations, without specifying sociolect, use the compound form less. If the expert's work is carried over to current years, it would be discovered that in youth the use of the compound form is practically nil and it is very widely used. cult in advanced ages, so its use would be even more relegated in the coming years.

Future

For the future tense, on the other hand, the simple conjugated form is generally not used much. It is usually replaced by the periphrasis, very common both in Spain and Latin America, made with the modal verb ir plus the infinitive of the verb (thus, comeré becomes I'm going to eat; similarly, I'll go becomes I'm going to go, etc.)

The use of the future with predictive value, however, remains very current: "What time will it be?", "Will they have won the match?" In any case, in recent times the practice of also using the forms of the conditional appeared: "What time would it be?"

All uses of the future tense are improper in the sense that they do not correspond to their natural meaning ("denote something after the moment in which it is spoken"). Thus, the question "Shall I sell the house?" manifests the doubt or hesitation of the one who formulates it. On the other hand, what positively has to happen is expressed by means of the periphrasis: Tomorrow I am going to sell the house (or, more emphatically: "Tomorrow I am going and selling the house"). The expression I will have a fever, but I feel better indicates that the truth of the first is admitted without prejudice to the second. The question Would So-and-so have murdered him? raises the possibility that the homicide was committed by So-and-so, with a hint of surprise or strangeness.

Conditional

In the same way, there is currently a tendency to replace the conditional with another form composed of the imperfect past tense of the verb to go plus the verb in the infinitive. In this way, a speaker of the dialect instead of expressing himself in the common way: if he had played, he would have won prefers: if he played he would win or if he played he would win . This replacement is by no means absolute, however, and still falls short of replacing the conditional form at all.

Queismo

The River Plate native has a marked queist tendency, the same as in the Antilles, Chile, El Salvador, Peru, Venezuela and Spain. The queísmo consists of the omission of the preposition de before the conjunction que.

LiteraryI'm scared of that there is no room at the hotel.

Rioplatense: I'm afraid there's no room in the hotel.

By replacing the complement by a demonstrative pronoun (that, this, that) the lack of the preposition becomes evident: I'm afraid of that → I'm afraid of that.

The opposite case can also occur, dequeísmo, a tendency to add the preposition de when it does not correspond. However, none of them are normative forms of the dialect, although their use among speakers is common.

Duplication of the direct object

In Río de la Plata the direct object can appear accompanied by the corresponding unstressed personal pronouns (lo, la, los, las) in cases that are not allowed in other variants, as in "Lo we saw Carlos." or "Did you find Marcela?". However, not all practitioners of the dialect use this form.

Full extent of the dialect and variants

Variants of the Spanish language spoken in Argentina according to Berta Elena Vidal de Battini.

The geographic area in which strictly Río de la Plata is spoken in Argentina encompasses much more than half of the country's population; a fact that puts it at a notable advantage over other Argentine dialects, added to the centralization of radio and television broadcasts in Buenos Aires and its metropolitan area, where the pronunciation standards required by said stations conform to the Buenos Aires standard, along with the official policy of professional training of the announcers that makes them practice and obtain the title with a pronunciation similar to that of the city, although not necessarily the same because it tries to be more cultured and neutral, showing an absence of Buenos Aires lunfardos, exaggerated tones and counting on variants of the professional, such as the use of other tenses, own dialectal words, etc. As for the other regions and provinces not mentioned, they speak other Spanish dialects such as northern (Jujuy, Salta and Tucumán), northeast (Misiones, Corrientes, Chaco and Formosa), northeast (Catamarca and La Rioja), cuyo (Mendoza and San Juan), from Santiago (Santiago del Estero). With respect to the Castilian spoken in San Luis, Córdoba and southern Catamarca, they are northern varieties of River Plate Spanish, although with differences in intonation, such as the pronunciation of yeísmo rehilado (sh) is not used, but rather y (before a vowel) and the ll are pronounced as in Cuyo, Mexico, or Chile, in addition to having an accent or song known throughout the country. With respect to Patagonian Spanish, it does not have great differences with the Rio de la Plata and is a southern variety of it.

Porteña-metropolitana (Autonomous City of Buenos Aires and its metropolitan area)

Rioplatense Castilian is distributed throughout the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires and throughout the Argentine Pampas region. Even so, it should be noted that the porteño speech (not to be confused with Buenos Aires) is typical of the aforementioned city. In turn, this is projected over the surroundings of Buenos Aires, through the region called "Buenos Aires metropolitan area" (BOTH).

In CABA the pronunciation has repeated and marked rhythmic variations, with considerably rhythmic rises and falls of pitch and noticeable to the naked eye. The tone usually reaches its peak in the stressed syllable, which elongates and drops markedly in the syllable that follows the stressed, especially if the syllable that follows the stressed is also word-final. In turn, porteño tends to have less loss of consonant sounds (such as "-s", "-r" and "-d") at the end of the word compared to with the Buenos Aires interior, this especially among the middle and upper classes, even more marked in women than in men of the Buenos Aires population. Buenos Aires is the oldest city in the area, the most populated and where most of the major national media outlets. This is why the influence of the native speaker of said autonomous city, the porteño (not to be confused with Buenos Aires), extends to a wide area of influence in the country, being very strong throughout the Metropolitan Area of Buenos Aires (AMBA). In the Metropolitan Area of Buenos Aires (AMBA) the differences in speaking tend to be defined more by diastratic variations (relative to socioeconomic status) than by diatopic or regional variations.

Interior of the Province of Buenos Aires and Province of La Pampa (Buenos Aires-Pampas)

Outside the Metropolitan Area of Buenos Aires (AMBA), in the interior of the Province of Buenos Aires, certain phonological (pronunciation) and lexical (use of certain words with different meanings) variations are beginning to be registered. Thus, there are studies and surveys of the speech that have registered certain diatopic variations of the dialect in the different regions of the interior of the province with respect to the average pronunciation of the people of the City of Buenos Aires and its metropolitan area in general.

In the south of the province, features of the Patagonian subvariety are anticipated, both in its pronunciation and in the use of certain words. In Bahía Blanca and surroundings there is a special use of the conjunction "but", placed at the end of the sentence and not in the middle of two sentences to denote contrast (eg: "She is not stupid. I neither, but'. instead of 'She's not dumb, but neither am I'). There is also a certain lexicon specific to the area that either does not exist in other regions of the country or is used with another meaning, such as in the Buenos Aires Metropolitan Area (AMBA). There are variations in the lexical level with respect to other areas of speech River Plate and, although some are understandable for inhabitants of other regions, some words have a completely different meaning. Below is a small list of words that have a certain use in this southern region of the province (taking the Bahía Blanca area as a reference) and in parentheses their equivalent in the Metropolitan Area of Buenos Aires (AMBA):

• Lejía (lavandina or chlorine)
• Chuflin (gomites to tie hair)
• Celoplin (five scotch)
• Bag (bright, exaggerated, flasher)
• Cufa (study person or “nerd”)
• Masita (galletite)
• Dirty face (black face)
• Hamburger (paty)
• Croquettes - of acelga, spinach, rice...- (storage - not confusing with the Spanish turret or torrija of bread
• Clear ink or corrector (liquid paper)
• Separator - from an avenue- (bulevard)
• Piece (room or room)
• Colihué (feeling with legs crossed on the ground)

In the center and west of the province, people tend to speak more slowly and slowly, with less rhythmic variation, and generally with softer ups and downs than the inhabitant of the Buenos Aires Metropolitan Area (BOTH). At the phonological level, a common aspiration of the sound /s/ can be perceived when it precedes another consonant sound. Also, there is a generalized sometimes elision and other times aspiration of the /S/ sound at the end of a word, regardless of whether the sound that follows it is vowel or consonant, example: "isolate" would be pronounced /aiHlado/ (being "H" an aspirated s), and "las uñas" you could hear it pronounced as /laH uña'/ or /la' nail'/. In turn, in the center and southwest of the province, regardless of the speaker's social class, in non-formal everyday speech (not so much in the isolated pronunciation of words) there are repeated losses of the following sounds at the end of words: /s/, /d/ and /ɾ/. For example: "vo" instead of "vos", "felicida" for "happiness" and "dance" for "dance".

Both in the center and in the west of the province there is a very generalized speech feature, which would have been somehow inherited from colonial times, which consists of substituting the sound /e/ for the sound /i/ in certain words, especially in verbs whose last letters written are "EAR". In the case of these verbs, the change of the sound from /e/ to /i/ usually entails, although not always, a consequent change in accentuation, thus making the voseo more reliable than the original voseo of the peninsular Castilian of the Middle Ages. Example of the above: "don't peliÉs me" instead of the more academic "don't fight me", "don't skip me" instead of the academic "I didnt skip", or even "the dog started licking it" instead of "the dog started licking it". Although this last pronunciation feature is usually rejected in formal settings, academic settings and among the highest social classes, the truth is that it is a frequent feature in daily speech in the central area of the interior of the province of Buenos Aires, used by people of all walks of life and ages, especially when the pace of speech picks up.

At the same time, there are lexical variations with respect to other areas of Río de la Plata speech and, although some are understandable to inhabitants of other regions, some words have a completely different meaning. Below is a small list of words that have a determined and frequent use in this region of the center of the province (taking Olavarría as a reference) and in parentheses its equivalent in the Metropolitan Area of Buenos Aires (AMBA):

• Dry Masita (water pellet)
• Sweet masita (sweet sweet)
• Juguito-freeze- ("Naranju", no matter the trademark)
• Bocadillo -from acelga, spinaca, rice, etc- (torreja - not to confuse with the Spanish turret or torrija of bread
• Dirty face (black toe) -use in recess
• Boniato - (orange variety)- (orange babatata)
• Supreme (gross dehuesada chicken breast, the piece that is purchased in the chicks)
• Hamburger (paty)
• Large/medium (width biphe)
• Chuleta girl (bife agosto)

This is a cow. In the case that it is pork in both places it is called "pork chop"

• Chuletero ("bife train")
• Cima (falda deshuesada)
• Asado Mar del Plata (American square)
• Chulengo (drum rod)
• Churrasquera (1-quincho - hall where there is a "builder" and people gather to eat roast and/or spend these leisure- 2-"Building grill", normally located against the wall and with fireplace)
• Piece (fourth or room)
• Bag (bright, exaggerated, flasher)
• Salad (fishing, annoying, incording)
• Separator - from an avenue- (boulevard)
• Motorcycle (chain, person who works doing errands moving on motorcycle)
• Collective (bondi or micro)
• Chata (chanchita)
• Chanchita (mojarrita)
• Chancherita - type of fishing rod- (mojarrera)
• Mata-sapo (the delegate or burned, popular game)
• Conga (chinchon, game of cards)
• Clear ink or corrector (liquid paper)
• Honda (gomera)
• Tosca (all stone, especially limestone).

In turn, in Olavarría and the nearby area, there are peculiar variations such as:

• "Trasca", at the beginning or end of a sentence, with the meaning of "to colmo" or "encima".
• "The fiber" (always male), instead of "the fiber" (feminine).
• "Papel crepe" (vocally accented always in the first "e" and without any graphical tilde); while in other parts of Argentina it is said "crepé" (with graphical tilde and vocal accent in the last "e").

To the west of the interior of Buenos Aires there are some common features shared with the Province of La Pampa.

In the eastern part of the province, the coastal zone, speech is influenced by features of speech from Mar del Plata. In this city, characteristics typical of the speech of the interior of Buenos Aires are combined, such as the frequent fall of the sound /S/ and /R/ at the end of the word, with features originating from the influence coming from the Metropolitan Area of Buenos Aires (AMBA), such as the use of a certain vocabulary from that area and the non-use of certain words typical of a large part of the interior of Buenos Aires such as "churrasquera", "borra tinta" or "corrector" or "doughnut" instead of "cookie". Perhaps this has to do not only with the centralization of the media in the Federal Capital or CABA, but also the tourism that has been done to Mar del Plata from the Metropolitan Area of Buenos Aires (AMBA) for many decades, especially during the summer season.^{[citation required]}

In the north of Buenos Aires, that is, to the north of Río Salado, daily speech is influenced to a greater or lesser degree by the Buenos Aires variety (Buenos Aires Metropolitan Area (AMBA)), although there are small features of speech (special certain lexicon) that resembles this subvariety to the Santafesina and Entre Ríos subvarieties; such as saying "I go FROM Juan" instead of "I go TO LO DE Juan" more common in Buenos Aires.^{[citation required]}

Santa Fe and Entre Ríos

The dialect extends throughout almost the entire Province of Santa Fe, where the variant is called santafesina, and in most of the province of Entre Ríos (except for the northern part of the province), while in the east of the latter idioms similar to those of the west of Uruguayan Spanish are observed. It is based on a slightly softer and less rhythmic pronunciation than that of the porteño and the inhabitant of Greater Buenos Aires in general, however, with the characteristic pronunciation of [ʒ] similar to the sound [ʃ]. Regarding the letter "s", it is usually deleted or replaced by an "h" at the end of words or before a consonant, a feature shared with the pronunciation of the center and west of the Province of Buenos Aires. The intonation is less affected by influences from aboriginal languages and the Paraguayan dialect, with the exception of northern Entre Ríos where the pronunciation is similar to that of Corrientes.

In Patagonia

The Río de la Plata dialect diversifies as a variant in all the provinces of Argentine Patagonia (including La Pampa) and is popularly known as the Patagonian variant or Southern. This shift presents its foci in the agglomerations of Comodoro Rivadavia and the city of Neuquén, its main urban centers.

Some audible variations in phonology are denoted, among which the more relaxed pronunciation of [ʒ] stands out, not approaching [ʃ], and a less rhythmic intonation. This and some grammatical characteristics were perhaps the product of the influence of Cuyo Spanish, and other voices from a variety of aboriginal languages of the region and immigrants.

In the geographical region where this variant of the Río de la Plata dialect is located, and without necessarily being a characteristic of its own, the predominant use of the gentile form «ense» —close to 82%— before “ino”, « ano» or others, for example in Puerto Deseado or Pico Truncado where the demonym is deseadense and truncadense, respectively. This is repeated in most cities and their respective names, for example: Ushuaia, Bariloche, Esquel, Puerto Madryn, Rawson, Trelew, General Roca, etc.

In Uruguay

Variants of rioplatense Spanish in the Eastern Republic of Uruguay.

Rioplatense is also an international dialect because it is practiced by the majority of the population of Uruguay, thus reaching great importance and significance among the different dialects of Spanish. Uruguayan is very similar to the Buenos Aires variant, but it has differences in intonation, phonology, and vocabulary. The first Italian migration took place in Uruguay before Buenos Aires, and it was a territory disputed by the Portuguese during the years prior to independence (1825). It also received an important contribution from the migratory waves of the XX century, increasing its population tenfold. This contribution of people also brought with it the contribution of linguistic variants, among them coming from Italian, Portuguese and Galician. The variant known as Uruguayan Spanish then resembles in its physiognomy the Spanish of its neighboring shore.

The advance of voseo in Uruguay is also notorious, due to the fact that verbal voseo is practiced. Likewise, the media focus on the Uruguayan capital, Montevideo extending its influence to the entire eastern country, and then, as in Buenos Aires, the pronunciation standards required by said stations are adjusted to the pronunciation of the capital. Already from the first literary works written in Uruguay, the strong imprint of voseo and lunfardo can be seen. The gaucho poetry of the Oriental Republic of Uruguay is rich in expressions that are also used in other parts of the "gaucho homeland", in the Uruguayan, Argentine and Brazilian humid pampas.

Mixed areas

Argentina, being a very large country, does not present uniformity in the dialect, which represents differences in lexicon and pronunciation. In the bordering areas there is a mixture with the neighboring dialects, which are other dialects in themselves, and not variants of the Río de la Plata with different evolution and in the divergence traits they appear according to the region or area influenced.

Seen from the prototype theory, in which the concepts of center and periphery are fundamental, the most general linguistic attitude is to assume the identification between a single language and the territory of a nation or state. In the same way, it is true that the best speakers of that language are located in a certain territory, especially those who live in its most prestigious nuclei (Buenos Aires metropolitan area (AMBA), Gran Rosario and the metropolitan area of Montevideo). They would constitute the center of that geolinguistic reality and everything that was not clearly identified with it would be the periphery (north of Uruguay, Northwest, Cuyo and Northeast of Argentina). The speakers who occupy the center of a geo-socio-linguistic system do not usually feel or raise doubts about their identity; those who occupy some place on the periphery, yes. When we talk about a geo-socio-linguistic system, we are referring to a language or variety identified with a well-defined territory and well-defined social groups.

The following zones are distinguished:

Northwest

It is a crossroads between Andean and River Plate Spanish, which affects a large part of Jujuy, Catamarca, La Rioja and Tucumán, west of Salta and part of Santiago del Estero.

To many people it seems that the speech in the west of Jujuy and Salta –although the entire province is usually included– is the same as the departments of western Bolivia (Potosí, Oruro and La Paz), although there are notable differences. The degree of influence is different in each province, with Greater San Miguel de Tucumán being the greatest exponent and La Rioja and Catamarca the least affected. Catamarca in its extreme south presents a dialect similar to Cordoba due to the proximity of this province to the area, being the city of Recreo and the surrounding towns the most influenced.

Similar phonological features are present in all the provinces, such as the pronunciation of yeísmo «ll» and «y», generally as [ʝ]; the eres are assimilated, between vowels «rr» → ʐ (sonorously), and «r» in initial position → [ʐ], where in educated pronunciation a sound similar to [r] can be reached, but weakened. This is attributed to the impregnation of aboriginal languages such as Quechua and Aymara, which influence phonetics, phonology and provide lexicon.

As far as intonation is concerned, it is similar to that of the Andean dialect, despite being perceived as more fluid and rhythmic thanks to the contribution of the Río de la Plata.

Finally, another exponential feature of the variable is the prevailing use of the compound past tense as opposed to the simple past tense.

Northeast and Mesopotamia

In this region there are similarities with Paraguayan Spanish. Especially in the provinces of Formosa, Corrientes, Misiones and eastern Chaco. The main city is Gran Corrientes, however the most populated is Gran Resistencia, which nevertheless offers elements of the Santa Fe variant in pronunciation. This variant is distinguished by the effect exerted by the indigenous languages of the region that affect the lexicon, provided in part by Guarani and other indigenous languages by their yeismo-free phonology, that is, the distinction between ll (with [ʎ] sound) and y (as [ʝ]); by the weakened rr and its singular phonetics, which is close to Paraguayan Spanish. The compound past tense alternates with the simple past tense.

Whose

Refers to San Juan, Mendoza and to a lesser extent to the provinces of San Luis and La Rioja. There is an intersection between vestiges of Chilean and River Plate Spanish, presenting idioms and pronunciation similar to Chilean, where ll and y are pronounced as [ʝ] and the erres, in ‹rr›→[ʐ] (voicedly), and initial ‹r› > [ʐ], and, in learned or semi-learned cases, [r] a weakened multiple alveolar trill.

Due to its former dependency and geographic proximity to Chile, a limited number of voices point to these contacts, and Mapuche voices were also incorporated into the flow of Chileanisms. There are areas of Cuyo that denote greater proximity to Chile (Malargüe, Calingasta), others more influenced from the Río de la Plata, either in intonation or in some pronunciations. This influence goes back to the lunfardo from Buenos Aires, who, riding in the cultural flow of the River Plate, established a more secure imprint on society from the upper classes (by students and tango), and which is then perpetuated until today with the media. They are manifestations that make up the chapters of a regional dialectology, but in no way the grammar.

The degree of uniformity is highly variable, presenting a specific twist of each province. Thus, La Rioja feels a mixture that responds more to the Northwestern provinces, San Luis responds a little more to Cordoba influence, Mendoza feels influence linked to Buenos Aires and Patagonia, while San Juan is one of the most conservative in the region. variant. Among other particularities, it generally presents a common use of the past tense, although in Mendoza it is used less, and among adults a voseo that only affects the person in the conjugation and not the verb: si vos escribes te I approve. Greater Mendoza is the main exponent of this variant for its inhabitants.

Central Region

It groups the province of Córdoba and in part also San Luis, and the extreme south of Catamarca, influenced by their proximity. There is a tendency to lengthen the vowel that precedes the stressed syllable in certain relevant words within a sentence. There is also an inheritance of some lexicon and the pronunciation of y and ll as [ʝ]. Today a pronunciation of ‹rr› is added as a voiceless retroflex fricative [ʂ] weak or normal and a large list of proper idioms. Another of the peculiarities of the variant is the alternation of the past tenses in simple past tense and compound past tense, attributed to the influence of proximity to pure Río de la Plata provinces such as Buenos Aires, Santa Fe and La Pampa. Likewise, the influence of the communication media, especially from Buenos Aires, must be added. Greater Córdoba is the main population center of this variant and the prestigious area where it is practiced.

In the Falkland Islands

The Malvinenses born in continental South America (mostly former gaucho inhabitants from the Pampean region - in Argentina - and the Banda Oriental - today Uruguay, who stayed in rural areas after the British invasion of 1833 of the islands) have helped shape the identity of the islanders between the years 1830 and 1850, and their legacy can be seen in the genealogy, culture and speech of the islanders, who has been influenced by the Rio de la Plata variety of Spanish.

There are many words borrowed from River Plate Spanish that are used to name types of horses and the colors of their coats, and other words related to life in the countryside (such as food and adjectives).. In addition, the horse's tacks are not only designated in Spanish but also pronounced by the islanders in the same way as in the Río de la Plata accent.

Rural areas are also often referred to as 'the Camp', referring to the Spanish word "campo". The extinct Falkland fox (Dusicyon australis) in English is also referred to as 'warrah', from the name given by the Rio de la Plata gauchos (guará) when they see it similar to aguará guazú. In the Guarani language, guará or aguará means wild canid. Currently, there is also place-name of gaucho origin on the islands, which in some cases has been translated into English.