Pierre Bourdieu

Pierre Félix Bourdieu (pronounced /pjɛɾ buʁdjø/; Denguin, 1 August 1930-Paris, January 23, 2002) was a French sociologist, one of the most prominent representatives of contemporary times. He managed to reflect on society, introduced or rescued batteries of concepts and systematically investigated what usually seems trivial as part of our daily lives. At the end of his life he became, by his public commitment, one of the main actors in French intellectual life. His thought has exerted a considerable influence on human and social consciousness, especially postwar French sociology. He characterized his sociological model as “structuralist constructivism.” His revelatory sociology has had critics who accuse him of a particular deterministic view of the social.

For Bourdieu, the conflict is not reduced solely to conflicts between social classes, as proposed by Marxist analyses. His work is dominated by a sociological analysis of the mechanisms of social reproduction. Bourdieu emphasizes the importance of cultural and symbolic capital in this reproduction and criticizes the primacy given to economic factors. He wants to highlight that the ability of agents in a dominant position to impose their cultural and symbolic productions plays an essential role in the reproduction of social relations of domination. What Pierre Bourdieu calls symbolic violence is of great importance in his sociological analysis.

Bourdieu has developed a theory of action, around the concept of habitus, which has exerted great influence in the social sciences. This theory tries to demonstrate that social agents develop strategies, based on dispositions acquired by socialization, the good and the unconscious, adapt to the needs of the social world. His work is organized around a series of guiding concepts, among others: habitus as the principle of action of the agents, fields as spheres of social competition and symbolic violence, as a fundamental mechanism for the imposition of relations of domination.

Biography

Pierre Bourdieu was born in 1930 in a village in Béarne, in the Pyrénées-Atlantiques. The son of Noémie Duhau and Albert Bourdieu, a Béarnaise farmer, he was a farm worker. His mother was of a similar social background, though from a lineage of owners in Lasseube. He was the only child of the couple.The province in which Bourdieu was born, exhibited for the time a culturally marginal situation within France, due to the predominance of the use of a regional language, Occitan, in its Béarnaise variant. Even though he was raised in this agrarian environment and had acquired the same small-town habits as his classmates, from the beginning of his schooling Bourdieu felt the contradictions of not fully belonging to the dominant culture.

Studies

He was an excellent student at the Lycée Louis-le-Grand (1948-1951). One of his teachers, a graduate of the École Normale Supérieure in Paris, advised him to enroll in literary preparatory classes at the same institute in 1948. Admitted to the École Normale Supérieure in Ulm Street, in 1951, he was called by his classmates for his second name, Félix, little by little he won back his old high school classmates like Jacques Derrida and Louis Marin. Although the French philosophical scene is dominated by the figure of Jean-Paul Sartre and existentialism, Bourdieu reacted like many of his generation as normalist oriented towards the study of the "dominant currents" in the philosophical field: the pole of history of the philosophy close to the history of science, represented by Marcial Gueroult and Jules Vuillemin, and the epistemology taught by Gaston Bachelard and Georges Canguilhem.

Around 1953, under the direction of Henry Gouhier, he presented a thesis on Leibniz's Animadversions. In addition, he followed Éric Weil's seminar at the École Pratique des Hautes Études on Hegel's Philosophy of Right. Professor of Philosophy in 1954, he enrolled with Canguilhem for a philosophical thesis on the temporal structure of emotional life, which he abandoned in 1957 to devote himself to sociological studies.

Start of his career

Bourdieu had to do his military service. After refusing to receive training as a Cadet reserve officer, he was first transferred to Versailles in the service of the psychological forces. However, they found in his possession a censored number of L'Express on the Algerian question, for which he lost his post for disciplinary reasons. He was soon shipped off with young recruits to Algeria as part of the peacekeeping forces, to render the fullest military service there, which lasted from two to seven years. Due to his writing skills, he served in the administration of the General Assembly of Residence, under the command of Robert Lacoste. From 1958 to 1960, he continued his studies in Algeria and became an assistant at the Faculty of Letters in Algiers.

Algeria, the transition to sociology

This period in Algeria was decisive, as it decided his career as a sociologist. He abandoned "the magnitude of insufficient philosophy" and devoted himself to a series of works on Ethnology in Algeria, which led him to write several books. His first investigations took him to the Kabylia and Collo regions, nationalist strongholds where the war had been painful. His 'Sociology of Algeria is the synthesis of existing knowledge on these three departments and was published in the collection What do I know? of 1958.

After the independence of Algeria, he published in 1963 Labor and workers in Algeria, a revealing study on wage labor and the formation of the urban proletariat in Algeria, in collaboration with Alain Darbel, Jean-Paul Rivet and Claude Seibel. In 1964 he published El desarraigo. The crisis of traditional agriculture in Algeria , together with his friend's Algerian Abdelmalek Sayad, about the destruction of agriculture and traditional society and the policy of grouping the population followed by the French army. After his return to France, he took advantage of the school holidays to collect new data on Algeria, urban and rural at the time.

His ethnological work on Kabylia did not stop even after he stopped going there, and he continued to feed into the anthropological work of Pierre Bourdieu. His main works on action theory Sketch of a theory of practice (1972) and The practical sense (1980) were born from an anthropological reflection on Kabyle society traditional. Similarly, his work on gender relations, La d omination masculine (1998) is based on an analysis of the mechanisms of reproduction of masculine domination in Kabylia traditional society.

Scientist and university student

In 1960, he returned to Paris to become an assistant to Raymond Aron at the University of Paris. Aron also made him secretary of the Center for European Sociology, a research institution that he founded in 1959, from the rest of the post-war structures and with funding from the Ford Foundation.

The young assistant to Raymond Aron got a job as a professor at the University of Lille, which he held until 1964, continuing to intervene in Paris as part of courses and seminars. In Lille, he met Éric Weil again and met the historian Pierre Vidal-Naquet and especially the hermeneuticist, classical philologist and Germanist Jean Bollack (Jean Bollack) of whom he became a loyal friend.

In 1962, he married Marie-Claire Brizard, with whom he had three children: Jerome, Emmanuel, and Lauren. In the mid-1960s, he moved his family to Antony, a southern suburb of Paris. The family went to Béarn during the school holidays. Pierre Bourdieu was interested in the Tour de France and team sports like tennis or rugby.

School of Hautes Etudes

In 1964, he joined the Practical School of Higher Studies, then studied in 1975 at the School of Hautes Études in Social Sciences (EHESS), the latter born from the autonomy of a sector of the EHESS. The same year, he began his collaboration with Jean-Claude Passeron, which led to the publication of the book The Heirs, which was a great success and helped him become a famous sociologist.

Starting in 1965, with the work A medium art. Essays on the Social Uses of Photography, followed in 1966 by Love of Art, Pierre Bourdieu carried out a series of studies on cultural practices, which occupied an essential part of his sociological work in the following decade and led to the publication in 1979 of The Distinction: A Social Critique of Judgment, which is his best-known and most important work in the sociological field.

Head of the research center

After the events of May 1968, he broke with his teacher Raymond Aron, the liberal thinker who disapproved of that social movement. He then founded the Center for the Sociology of Education and Culture , which was spun off from the Center for European Sociology. The same year he published with Jean-Claude Chamboredon and Jean-Claude Passeron, The profession of sociologist , with a selection of texts by authors on the methods of sociology.

In 1985, he became director of the Center for European Sociology, which thereafter merged with the Center for the Sociology of Education and Culture. The preservation of the structure of the missions of both entities was directed by his student Remi Lenoir.

Acceptance of the work of Pierre Bourdieu gradually grew in the center of French sociology. The 1970s saw the rise of Anglo-Saxon recognition that later spread to Germany, through the work of Joseph Jurt, after more than a decade.

College of France

Thanks to the support of André Miquel, he became a professor at the College of France in 1981. He was the first sociologist to receive the CNRS gold medal in 1993. We can highlight the paradox of a man who lived continuously on the margin from mainstream academic institutions, beginning a critical study, for example, on Homo academicus.

Editor

In parallel to his academic career, he headed an important publishing company, which allowed him to spread his ideas. In 1964, he became editor of the collection "Le sens commun" with Les Éditions de Minuit. Until 1992, Bourdieu published most of his books, as well as those of the academics influenced by him, thus promoting the dissemination of his thought. He also published classics of the social sciences (Durkheim, Mauss, etc.); or philosophy (Ernst Cassirer, Erwin Panofsky, etc.). The collection revealed to French readers the leading American sociologists (Erving Goffman's translations). After his time in Seuil, he founded the Liber collection.

In 1975 he created, especially with the support of Fernand Braudel, the journal Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, which he directed until his death. This publication is an exhibition of his work and that of his students. It differs from traditional academic journals through the use of numerous illustrations, its large size, and its design.

In 1995, as a result of social movements and petitions from November to December in France, he founded a publishing house, Raisons d'agir (the reasons for action), both activist and academic, which published works of young researchers who are critical of neoliberalism.

Its production is very extensive. Thus, in 1970 Fondements d'une théorie de la violence symbolique appears. Reproduction culturelle et reproduction sociale, written with Jean-Claude Passeron; three years later, in 1976, Le système des grandes écoles et la reproduction de la classe dominante. Furthermore, among many other works, he publishes La distinction. Critique sociale du jugement (1979), Ce que parler veut dire. L'économie des échanges linguistiques (1982), Homo academicus (1984), La Noblesse d'état. Grandes écoles et esprit de corps (1989), Les règles de l'art. Genèse et structure du champ littéraire (1992), but achieved his greatest success with La misère du monde (1993), where he denounced social suffering, which draws on Marxist sources and on the thought of Michel Foucault, and draws, in a combination of sociology and social anthropology, the x-ray of social exclusion, of the disinherited of modernization, technological progress and globalization.

Bourdieu's discourse, which had already been expressed with critical nuances before May 1968, was accentuated in the last years of his life with new arguments against neoliberalism and in favor of civil society and the nascent World Social Forum, participating close to unions, non-governmental organizations, immigrants and civic associations against the neoliberal positions that nourished the discourse of the so-called postmodern society. Bourdieu was one of the founders of the publishing house Liber-Raisons d'agir, promoter of the Attac movement. He passed away, as a result of cancer, in 2002.

Thought

He was one of the most important sociologists of the second half of the 20th century. His ideas were relevant both in social theory and in empirical sociology, especially in the sociology of culture, education and lifestyles. His theory stands out as an attempt to overcome the traditional duality in sociology between social structures and objectivism (physicalism), on the one hand, versus social action and subjectivism (hermeneutics), on the other. For this, he endows himself with two new concepts, the habitus and the field, as well as reinventing an already established one, capital.

By habitus he understands the ways of acting, thinking and feeling that are originated by the position that a person occupies in the social structure. As for the field, it is the social space that is created around the valuation of social facts such as art, science, religion, politics... These spaces are occupied by agents with different habitus, and with different capitals., who compete for both the material and symbolic resources of the countryside. These capitals, apart from economic capital, are made up of cultural capital, social capital, and any type of capital that is perceived as "natural", this form of capital called symbolic capital. The agents, with the habitus that is proper given their social position, and with the resources at their disposal, "play" in the different social fields, and in this game they contribute to reproducing and transforming the social structure. The work in which he presents his theory in a more systematic way is El señor práctico (published in Spanish by the Taurus publishing house).

In his empirical work, his critical work on culture stands out, showing that cultural distinction is nothing more than a covert form of domination, which he called ontological complicity between the field and the habitus This critique does not lead him to cynicism towards the manifestations of high culture, but rather to consider that everyone should have equal access to it.

His role as an intellectual became fully valid from the second half of the 1990s in France, his statements being the subject of lively controversy, for maintaining very critical positions both with respect to the media (see «About television") and with regard to politics in general. He proposed and was the founder of the Parliament of Writers, an association designed to give intellectuals greater autonomy over their work, and in this way to be able to criticize and control power outside of their means of disseminating culture.

*On his theory of the literary field, see the corresponding section in Sociocriticism

Basics

Social space and social practices according to Pierre Bourdieu.

Bourdieu's theory is made up of a set of interrelated concepts that are only understood in relation to others. The starting point of the analysis of the social is the objectivist or inquiry moment, in which we focus on characterizing the external social structures, the objective, the social made a thing. The second moment of the analysis will be the subjectivist one, the consideration of the internal, subjective social structures, or the social made body.

Habitus

Bourdieu suggests that the schemes of thought, perception and action are revealed based on a certain social genesis, which determines the acquisition of certain habits that remain anchored to the spaces of the social field or groups in which the agent develops. The habitus is socialized subjectivity, it is the generation of practices that are limited by the social conditions that sustain them, it is the way in which social structures are recorded in our body and mind, and form the structures of our subjectivity (socialization) is, in other words, a system of dispositions to act, think, feel in a certain way that I have internalized throughout history. Apparently the habitus seems to be something innate, although it is formed by from schemes of perception and assessment of a social structure. It refers to what has been acquired and is incorporated into the body in a lasting way. With this conception, Bourdieu tries to break with the existing dualism up to now between objectivist physicalism without a subject and phenomenological subjectivism without a structure.

It is the point at which society and the individual converge, since it is a wave, which on the one hand tells us the way to be, or is the way in which one has already assimilated -perhaps unconsciously- their patterns and their own will and to want, or not, to modify that habitus. It is the product of a learning enterprise that all social fields use to exert control and ownership.

The habitus of class would be the position of the agent within the structure of a social class, where the individual contributes to the production and reproduction of this same system of relations between classes. It is not a simple lifestyle that derives from belonging to a class, but it involves the totality of our actions and thoughts, since it is the basis with which we make certain decisions. The basis of all our actions is the same habitus of class. It is the pillar that makes up the mere set of learned behaviors and judgments, even though it seems that it is what is "natural", as Bourdieu calls it, in us: our gestures, tastes, language, etc. For this reason, people from certain social classes share the same tastes as those who are in the same social habitus, these elective affinities.

Field

The social world in modern societies, for Bourdieu, appears divided into what he calls fields. It seems, in effect, that the differentiation of social activities led to the creation of "social subspaces", such as the artistic or the political field, which specialize in the performance of a certain social activity. These fields have relative autonomy in society as a whole and are hierarchical. A dynamic competition comes from the struggles sustained by the social agents to occupy the dominant positions. Therefore, as in the Marxist analysis, Bourdieu emphasizes the importance of struggle and conflict in the functioning of society. But for him, these conflicts take place mainly in different social spheres, rooted in their respective hierarchies, and are based on the opposition between the dominant and dominated agents.

The field is a network of objective relations between objectively defined positions – in their existence and in the determinations that they impose on their occupants – for their current and potential situation (situs) in the structure of the distributions of the species of capital (or of power) whose position imposes the realization of specific benefits put at stake in the field and, at the same time, for their objective relationship with the other positions.

Social fields are historically constituted game spaces with their specific institutions and their own operating laws.

Field, dominant and dominated

The field is based on:

• The existence of a common capital (knowledge, skills, power, etc.). Therefore it occurs:
• The fight for their appropriation. People with a common interest are mobilized to achieve their goals. That's why:
• The fields are dynamic, not static. Producen:
• A hierarchy between those who hold the capital and those who aspire to have it.
• There are two possible levels of analysis: synchronic and diachronic

The fields are the different configurations of classes or social relationships, where they come together to relate. Bourdieu explained it as if it were a network, where relationships are necessary. These relationships with their respective reason for being and also with their social status that makes them relate in this or that way.

To place individuals more clearly in the fields, Bourdieu proposes that we place the individuals on a map. These individual positions work with pairs of oppositions, eg: poor/rich, brave/coward. Thus we can analyze the differences in individuals, according to the field in which they are, more easily.

The idea of field in Bourdieu allows us to know the objective relations of the agents, it allows us to know their positions and in this way to know the degree of existing inequality. The position of the agents is based on the capital they have. The more capital accumulated, the better the position of the agent in the field.

One field differs from another because it has certain characteristics and because its dynamic nature undergoes transformations over time. In addition, it has certain properties that differentiate it from others.

Fields have laws of operation that do not change over time, general laws that are valid in all of them. Fields show us positions and mates.

On the other hand, a field is defined based on what is being played and the interests that are created around it. Each field generates an interest, which attracts the agent and which is necessary for it to work.

If we see the social field as a field of struggles, we must not forget that the agents involved in them have a certain number of interests in common. When speaking of permanent struggles, of capital accumulation, of the state of the relations of forces, we are taking into account the social fields in their historical aspect.

In the fields there are constant definitions and redefinitions with the other fields, which leads to a redefinition of the limits of the relative autonomy of each of them.

It is necessary to consider the capital that is at stake because it distinguishes one field from another. We can think of capital as those assets that the agent accumulates over time and that are produced, distributed, consumed, or may be lost. We are not talking about the economic field but about other fields.

Conditioning

In the first instance, it would seem that being in a certain field and already being within it, we behave in a specific way, thanks to the habitus, for which we would find ourselves determined. But he would say, that we are only conditioned. And it is here that the analogy of the game is made, this "social game" and that is that there are certain rules and squares through which you can move, according to your position and the piece that you have to play. It limits you to be in a certain position but, as far as possible, each one is capable of deciding their own movement.

Illusio

Bourdieu tells us that we compete ruthlessly, even if we don't know the rules or the boundaries of our game. The fact of being in this game and playing it without even knowing why we are playing it is the illusio, which is a mere illusion of what our behavior patterns are as unique role models. It is the belief in the game on the part of the two positions that dispute a particular issue.

Capital

For Bourdieu, capital is everything that can be included in the "bets" of social actors, which is an "instrument for appropriating opportunities theoretically offered to all", or all "social energy" likely to produce effects on social competence (Id.). There are four types of capital: economic, cultural, social and symbolic. The economic capital is the various ways of accumulating money, through bills, accounting notes, bonds, etc. Cultural capital is any cultural element used to discriminate, exclude or appropriate a greater amount of resources or/and opportunities that a society offers. It manifests itself in various ways, such as incorporated into one's own body (speaking with the cultured standard of a language, knowing how to read and write...), institutionalized (educational certificates, cultural awards...) and objectified in cultural goods (books, paintings... but not in the object itself, but in the capacity to enjoy the culture incorporated in the object: it is not the book itself, but the capacity and enjoyment provided by the possessed book). Social_Capital_(sociology), for Bourdieu (not to be confused with the theorization of James S. Coleman or Robert Putnam), is the access that is obtained to the different resources that other people hold thanks to participating in trust networks with them.

Any form of capital is capable of being transformed into symbolic capital, as long as its possession is recognized as legitimate. Symbolic capital is the naturalization of relations of social domination that allow the accumulation of capital and the exercise of power and hoarding that can be carried out by those who hold it. "Any recognized difference, accepted as legitimate, functions for that very reason as a symbolic capital". In the various forms of capital we can appreciate two dimensions: the subjective criterion of accumulation and its institutionalization. As for the criterion of its accumulation, there are two opposing principles: interest and disinterest. Economic capital is normally accumulated by interest, while cultural capital has a greater presence in the logic of disinterest, of the gift (gift economy), of the search for prestige ("art for art", "money corrupts everything."In addition, the various forms of capital differ according to their degree of institutionalization, that is, of clear rules by which they produce their effects, which can even be recognized by the State, as it happens with money (economic capital) or the family (social capital). Each person has a capital structure, which depends on the volume they hold of each of the forms of capital, the relative composition (of which type they have more) and how their social trajectory has been to accumulate these forms of capital. It is debated whether Bourdieu's use of the concept of capital is abusive, and could be understood as a simple metaphor, with the aim of imbuing his theory with prestige, or if he is really talking about capital, in the sense of Marx.

Power

Like any good game, what we do is compete. Now, each field generates its capital. Each agent tries to increase their capital, using the different strategies of each group that is found in each field, to continue increasing their capital, this is what gives rise to hierarchies and revolutions, generating structures to continue with their capital, that is to say with power.

We can see, then, that each country tries to increase its power using its capital and trying to safeguard it generates conflicts. This is how this relationship between structures and history, between diaconary and synchronicity, is woven. Their behaviors, like the motive, are mutually conforming. Power already appears as an element of distraction that we cannot ignore. We could conclude that it is that struggle that is generated between classes, individuals, ideologies, to preserve the same and increase some capital.

Field analysis

Arts and culture

Bourdieu is considered a sociologist of culture, in this regard he analyzes culture from the perspective of the fields where he establishes that classes are differentiated by their relationship with production, by the ownership of certain goods, but also by the symbolic aspect of consumption. In this case, the hegemonic class is perpetuated in the economic field, but is legitimized in the cultural field.

The most legitimized aesthetic in our culture is the bourgeois one, although there is also an aesthetic of the middle class and popular aesthetics. However, those considered works of art are nothing more than an object that exists only in the collective belief of those who recognize it as such. The value attributed to the work of art increases as it is legitimized in the dominant aesthetics and in the group of artists who accept these hierarchical rules.

To share the aesthetic disposition of cultural works, one must have sensitive class training that is accessed through positions in the field. Participating in the enjoyment of works of art manifests a privileged position in the social space. Bourgeois cultural practices try to pretend that their privileges are justified by something more aesthetic and noble than capital, that is culture.

Thus, Bourdieu states that «Art does not exist». What exists are various types of productions legitimized and accepted by the political hegemonic groups that try to save their position in the field for the sake of aesthetic accumulation.

Media

During the 1990s, Pierre Bourdieu became interested in the media. His sociology of the media was built mainly around the question of television, on which he takes a very critical view. In an approach that is less academic than in the rest of his work, Bourdieu develops an analysis of the role of this medium in the social and political sphere, giving rise to several publications, including the book On television (1996).

Following the strikes of 1995-1996, Pierre Bourdieu is invited by Daniel Schneidermann on the television program Arrêt sur images together with the journalists Jean-Marie Cavada and Guillaume Durand, where he is asked to criticize the television system through extracts of its broadcasts. Considered trapped by the "mechanics" of this medium, he will return to his own televised passage in a controversial article that will lead to a heated exchange with the moderator, Daniel Schneidermann.

Public opinion

For Bourdieu, public opinion (formed through opinion polls) does not exist since it is manipulated and is explicitly formulated by power groups that through the mass media impose their interests in the public arena.

The opinion poll for Bourdieu is, in its current state, an instrument of political action; its most important function consists, perhaps, in imposing the illusion that public opinion exists as a purely additive sum of individual opinions; in imposing the idea that there is something that would be like the average of the opinions or the average opinion.

Science and objectivity

Bourdieu argued that a transcendental objectivity can be possible when certain necessary historical conditions are met. Bourdieu's ideal scientific field is one that gives its participants an interest or investment in objectivity. Furthermore, this ideal scientific field is one in which the degree of autonomy of the field advances and - in a corresponding process - its "entry quota" becomes more and more strict. The scientific field involves rigorous intersubjective scrutiny of theory and data. This should make it difficult for those outside the field to provide, for example, political influence.

However, the autonomy of the scientific field cannot be taken for granted. An important part of Bourdieu's theory is that the historical development of a scientific field, autonomous enough to describe itself as such and to produce objective work, is an achievement that requires continuous reproduction. Having been hit, it cannot be assumed to be safe. Bourdieu does not rule out the possibility that the scientific field loses its autonomy and therefore deteriorates, losing its defining characteristic as a producer of objective work. In this way, the conditions of possibility for the production of transcendental objectivity could arise and then disappear.

Sepultura de Pierre Bourdieu (1930-2002)

Legacy

Bourdieu "was, for many, the leading intellectual in present-day France...a thinker of the same rank as Foucault, Barthes, Derrida, Deleuze, and Lacan." His works have been translated into two dozen languages and they have affected the full range of disciplines in the social sciences and humanities. They have also been used in pedagogy, and several of his works are considered classics, not only in sociology, but also in anthropology, education, and cultural studies. His best-known and most influential work, The Distinction: A Social Critique of the Trial, is among the ten most important works of the 20th century in the classification established by the International Sociological Association. Rules of Art has also significantly affected sociology, history, literature, and aesthetics.

In France, Bourdieu was seen not as an "ivory tower" academic, but as a passionate activist for those he believed to be subservient to society. In 2001, a documentary about Bourdieu -Sociology is a combat sport- "became an unexpected success in Paris. Its very title emphasized how much of a politically engaged intellectual Bourdieu was, taking up the mantle of Émile Zola and Jean-Paul Sartre in French public life." For Bourdieu, sociology was a combative endeavor, exposing the unperceived structures beneath practices and thinking of social agents. He saw sociology as a means to confront symbolic violence and expose those invisible areas where one could be free.

Bourdieu's work remains influential. His work is widely cited and many sociologists and social scientists work explicitly within a Bourdieusian framework. An example is Loïc Wacquant, who persistently applies his theoretical and methodological principles in settings such as boxing, employing what Bourdieu called participant objectification, what Wacquant calls "carnal sociology." In addition to publishing a book on Bourdieu's lasting influence, the novelist Édouard Louis uses the legacy of Pierre Bourdieu as a literary device. Another example of Bourdieu's influence is found in the investigations of Luc Boltanski, who himself attempted to further overcome some limitations that, according to him, were present in Bourdieu's sociological proposal.

Bourdieu also played a crucial role in popularizing correspondence analysis and particularly multiple correspondence analysis. Bourdieu argued that these geometric techniques of data analysis are, like his sociology, intrinsically relational. «I use correspondence analysis a lot, because I believe that it is essentially a relational procedure whose philosophy fully expresses what in my opinion constitutes social reality. It is a procedure that 'thinks' in relations, since I try to do it with the concept of field", said Bourdieu, in the preface of The profession of sociologist .

Sociology is a combat sport

La Sociologie est un sport de combat (2000), is a documentary that narrates the academic life of the sociologist. Filmed over three years, director Pierre Carles follows Bourdieu as he attends conferences, political meetings, meets with his students and research team in Paris.

Bourdieu Bibliography

• 2021 - General Sociology Course (2.o). The capital. CenturyXXI: Buenos Aires.
• 2019 - General Sociology Course (1.o), CenturyXXIBuenos Aires.
• 2013 - Manet: A symbolic revolution - «Manet: Une révolution symbolique», Seuil, Paris.
• 2012 - About the State, collection of notes by its collaborators Patrick Champagne, Rémi Lenoir, Franck Poupeau and Marie-Christine Rivière on the tenth anniversary of his death.
• 2004 - Self-analysis of a sociologist - Esquisse pour une auto-analyse
• 2002 - The Dance of Singles - Le Bal des célibataires. Crise de la société paysanne en Béarn
• 2001 - The scientific profession. Science and reflexivity - Science de la science et Réflexivité
• 2002 - Interventions 1961-2001. Social science and political action
• 2002 - The force of law
• 2002 - Lesson on Lesson
• 2002 - Thought and action
• 2001 - Cultural capital, school and social space
• 2001 - Fire fighting 2. For a European social movement
• 2000 - Sociology issues
• 2000 - The social structures of the economy
• 1998 - Male domination - La Domination masculine
• 1999 - Counterfire. Reflections to serve resistance against neoliberal invasion
• 1999 - Artistic belief and symbolic goods
• 1997 - Practical Reasons (On Action Theory) - Reissuing the same 1994 book Raisons pratiques. Sur la théorie de l’action
• 1997 - The Art Rules. Genesis and structure of the literary field
• 1997 - Pascalian Meditations - Méditations pascaliennes
• 1996 - On television - South the telévision
• 1994 - The practical sense - Raisons pratiques. Sur la théorie de l’action
• 1993 - The misery of the world - La Misère du monde
• 1992 - Les Règles de l’artȘs Règles de l’art. Genèse et structure du champagne littéraire
• 1992 - Réponses. Pour une anthropologie réflexive - with Loïc Wacquant
• 1989 - The Noblesse d'État. Great echoles et esprit de corps
• 1988 - Martin Heidegger's political ontology. Paidós. - L'ontologie politique de Martin Heidegger.
• 1984 - Homo academicus
• 1987 - Choses dites
• 1985 - What does it mean to speak? Akal: Madrid.
• 1982 - Ce que parler veut dire: L'économie des échanges linguistiques
• 1981 - Sociologie questions
• 1980 - Le Sens pratique
• 1979 - The Taurus 1988 distinction - La Distinction; Critique sociale du jugement
• 1979 - El Sentido Social del Gusto
• 1975 - A medium art - An Art Moyen. Essai sur les usages sociaux de la photographie with Luc Boltanski, Robert Castel and Jean-Claude Chamboredon
• 1972 - Esquisse d’une théorie de la pratiquepreceded by Trois études d’ethnologie kabyle’
• 1970 - Reproduction - La Reproduction. Eléments pour une théorie du système d’enseignement
• 1968 - The office of sociologist - Le Métier de sociologue with J.C. Passeron and J.C. Chamboredon
• 1966 - Love of art. European museums and their public - L’Amour de l’art. Les musées et leur public with Alain Darbel and Dominique Schnapper
• 1964 - Students and Culture - Les Héritiers. Les étudiants et la culture with Jean-Claude Passeron Extracts (in French)

Articles

• 1971- «Genèse et structure du champagne religieux», Revue française de sociologie 12 (3), 295-334 (Genesis and Structure of the Religious Field)
• 1971 - with Luc Boltanski and P. Maldidier, La défense du corps, in 'Social Science Information', vol. 10, n. 4, pp. 45-86
• 1975 - with Luc Boltanski, Le titre et le poste: the wall et système de reproduction, in 'Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales', vol. 1, n.o 2, pp. 95-107.
• 1975 - conis Luc Boltanski, Le fetichisme de langue, en 'Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales', vol. 1, n.o 4, pp. 2–32.
• 1976 - with Luc Boltanski, La production de l'idéologie dominant, in 'Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales', vol. 2, n.o 2-3, pp. 4-73.
• 1988 - Lives the Crise!, Theory and Society, 17, pp. 773-786
• 2004 (reedtion) - "Marcel Mauss, aujourd'hui", in Sociologie et sociétés, vol. 36, n. 2, pp. 15-22. Spanish Trad: Marcel Mauss, today

Fonts

• This work contains a translation derived from Wikipedia's "Pierre Bourdieu" in French, published by its editors under the GNU Free Documentation License and the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License.