Patrick Aylwin
Miguel Patricio Aylwin Azócar ([paшt marginisjo ^elwin aшsoka margin] (?·i); Viña del Mar, November 26, 1918-Santiago, April 19, 2016) was a Chilean Christian Democratic lawyer, jurist and politician. He was a senator, serving as President of the Senate from January 1971 to May 1972 and later President of the Republic during the period 1990 to 1994.
During the radical government of Juan Antonio Ríos, he joined the National Falange (FN), a political group led by young dissidents from the Conservative Party (PCon) and which he presided over between 1950 and 1951. He participated in the founding of the Christian Democratic Party (PDC) in which he was elected president between 1958 and 1964, the year in which Eduardo Frei Montalva, also a Christian Democrat, was elected president of the Republic for the period 1964-1970.
In the 1970 presidential election, the role he played, both he and the other Christian-Democratic leaders, was fundamental, mainly due to the high number of parliamentarians in both Chambers of the National Congress. Since none of the candidacies managed to reach an absolute majority of the votes, the decision of the proclamation of the president fell to Congress. The Chambers agreed to grant the presidency to the socialist Salvador Allende, who obtained the majority of the votes in exchange for a "democratic guarantee pact" that established a series of conditions for the Popular Unity (UP) coalition government.
Some years later, the political crisis that divided the country, added to the obstructionism of the opposition and its support from the United States, led to the military coup of 1973. Several members of the PDC, including Aylwin, expressed their support for the arrival of the military to power, arguing that the military coup would restore institutional normality and with it, peace and unity among Chileans. Soon after, it became clear that the new regime would not be transitory and that among its claims was the implementation of a new institutionality that would not allow the existence of political parties. Added to the above, the human rights violations that began immediately after the coup prompted him to participate in different groups aimed at recovering democracy. It acquired special importance in this context, in 1976, when the PDC met to articulate an important opposition force to the dictatorship.
In the same vein, at the end of 1979, together with various representatives of opposition sectors, he created the Group of Constitutional Studies or Group of 24, to work on an alternative proposal to the new Political Constitution promoted by the regime, which would be approved via referendum the following year. In 1983, after the massive social mobilization against the dictatorship had failed, the PDC together with other opposition parties created the Democratic Alliance, a group whose objective was to find a political-legal solution to the dictatorship, since the path of the massive mobilization.
In 1987, he resumed the presidency of the Christian Democrats. One of his main objectives was the restructuring of the party and the reorganization of the opposition to the dictatorship before the announcement of General Augusto Pinochet to submit his continuity in the presidency to a plebiscite and to call elections in case of obtaining negative results in the First choice. Thus, on January 2, 1988, he —together with various leaders— created the Concertación de Partidos por el No, being himself its spokesperson before public opinion. In October of that same year, the "No" option against Pinochet was victorious with 54.6% of the votes, achieving the call for a presidential election.
On December 14, 1989, he presented himself as a candidate for the presidency of the Republic representing the Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia, obtaining the majority of the vote with 55.2%. On March 11, 1990, he became president of Chile upon receiving the presidential sash from Pinochet.
His presidential term took place in a complex country situation. He and his government faced the difficult mission of restoring democracy under the watchful eye of the Armed Forces, in a period in which its members still enjoyed the guarantees that they themselves had established and in which the loyalty of the military establishment towards his general was almost unshakable. Its first bills were intended to subdue military power to civilian power and to dismantle the repressive apparatus of the dictatorship, initiating the so-called "transition to democracy." The presidency had to deal with Pinochet's threats to interrupt democracy in the face of accusations or attempts to prosecute the military. Since the 1978 Amnesty Law remained in force, as president he decreed the creation of the National Truth and Reconciliation Commission to clarify crimes against human rights committed during the dictatorship. In March 1991, said commission presented the "Rettig Report", which detailed the human rights violations that occurred during said period.
Family
Patricio Aylwin was born in Viña del Mar on November 26, 1918, into a middle-class family. He was the eldest of five siblings (Carmen, Andrés, Arturo and Tomás) of the compound marriage by Miguel Aylwin Gajardo, a prominent professor, lawyer, and judge from the Constitution who became president of the Supreme Court in 1957, and Laura Rosa Azócar Álvarez, Patricio was of part Welsh and Basque origin. part of his childhood and youth was spent in the commune of San Bernardo, together with his brothers. He was the nephew of Guillermo Azócar, who was a deputy, senator and Minister of Agriculture, in the first government of President Carlos Ibáñez del Campo.
At the end of 1947 he met Leonor Oyarzún Ivanovic, daughter of Manuel Oyarzún Lorca (teacher and lawyer, who served as rector of the Liceo de Antofagasta and later as General Trustee of bankruptcies in Santiago) and of Ana Ivanovic Roccatagliata (owner From home). They were married on October 2, 1948, having five children: Isabel Margarita (social worker), Miguel Patricio and José Antonio (both lawyers), Juan Francisco (social communicator) and Mariana, who was the President's Minister of Education. Ricardo Lagos. The Aylwin-Oyarzún couple lived their first months of marriage in their parents' house in San Bernardo. Then he moved to Santiago.
In 1956 the family settled in a house located on Calle Arturo Medina in the Providencia commune, which they never left, even during the years when Patricio Aylwin was President of the Republic.
Professional and academic career
He completed his primary studies at the Instituto Salesiano de Valdivia and his secondary studies at the San Bernardo Humanities High School, the Valentín Letelier High School and the Barros Arana National Boarding School, the latter two located in Santiago.
He entered the Law School of the University of Chile in 1936, where he excelled as an assistant in the Procedural Law and Civil Law departments, and editor of the magazine Mástil, of the Law Center. He was also a founding member and countertenor of the Coro Lex. He graduated in Legal, Political and Social Sciences in 1943, with the memory El juicio arbitral, a subject that he later delved into a book, which has had six copies. editions, the last in 2014. A year later he qualified as a lawyer, in January 1944, after being sworn in by the Supreme Court, he registered in the Bar Association with member number #243.
He worked as a lawyer in Pedro Lira's law firm and then in Raúl Varela's, where he became a partner. Between 1945 and 1948 he served as secretary of the Commission of the Supreme Court, in charge of drafting the Organic Code of Courts.
Between 1946 and 1967, he was a professor in the administrative law chair at the University of Chile, first as an interim professor, and since 1950 as a tenured professor. At the same time, between 1952 and 1960, he was a professor of the same chair at the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile. In addition, between 1946 and 1963, he was a professor of Civic Education and Political Economy at the General José Miguel Carrera National Institute in Santiago.
Between 1949 and 1954, he was secretary of the Chilean Institute of Legislative Studies. In 1967 he took over as director of the School of the Faculty of Law of the University of Chile.
As a member of the Bar Association, he was a national counselor between 1953 and 1957. Between 1985 and 1986, he was its vice president, on the board of directors of Raúl Rettig. He was an honorary member of the Chilean Institute of Administrative Law, created in 2000, and a member of the Moscow Academy of Sciences.
On January 11, 1995, he was named emeritus professor at the University of Chile.
Political career
Beginnings and leader of the Christian Democracy (1945-1965)
He was the first president of the Legal Academy of Law Students of the University of Chile, which was created in 1939 in order to fill a gap in student activities. He was also part of the Catholic Action Youth.
In 1945 he presented himself as a candidate for alderman for the commune of San Bernardo, without being elected. Although he initially sympathized with socialist ideas —influenced by his mother's brother, the senator and founder of the Socialist Party (PS), Guillermo Azócar— and with the Republican side during the Spanish civil war, he also confessed that he was delighted with those ideas and was about to join the ranks of that party; however, in that same year he opted to join the National Falange (FN) and the following year he collaborated with its dissemination organ, the magazine Política and Spirit. Between 1947 and 1948, and in 1950, he held the post of first vice-president of his party, and between 1950 and 1951 he was its president. He was a candidate for deputy for the fourth district of Santiago, in the parliamentary elections of 1949, being defeated.
On July 28, 1957, he participated in the founding of the Christian Democratic Party (PDC). The following year, he was elected its president, a position he held until 1960. This was the first of seven presidencies he served in his party over the next three decades.
Senator and opponent of Allende (1965-1973)
The then President of the Republic and fellow party member, Eduardo Frei Montalva, invited him to be part of his cabinet as Minister of State, which he refused, stating that "I could serve him better" from the National Congress He presented himself as a candidate for the parliamentary elections of March 1965, where he was elected senator for the Sixth Provincial Group of Curicó, Talca, Linares and Maule, for the legislative period 1965-1973. Between 1966 and 1969, he was a member of the Permanent Commission on the Constitution, Legislation, Justice and Regulations. On January 12, 1971, he was elected as President of the Senate, a position that he served until May 22, 1972. As the highest authority of the Senate, contributed to paralyze the implementation of the nationalization of copper mining, decreed by President Salvador Allende with the approval of both chambers, by demanding that the expropriations be processed as a constitutional reform and consequently be negotiated with the opposition in Congress.
During the last four years of his senatorial period, he was a substitute for the aforementioned commission and the Permanent Commission on Agriculture and Colonization. In 1971, he was a member of the Special Committee to Reform the Senate Regulations.
At the same time, in his role as a parliamentarian, he attended the funeral of former West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer in 1967. In 1969 he headed the Chilean delegation to the United Nations General Assembly and chaired it together with the Burmese diplomat U Thant. He participated in the drafting of the modification to the Agrarian Reform Law, promoting Law No. 17,280 of January 17, 1970, which modified the taking of possession of land.
He was a close collaborator of the government of Eduardo Frei Montalva (1964-1970) and an opponent of the Popular Unity (UP) government, chaired by Salvador Allende. In this context, he was one of the managers of the Confederation of Democracy (CODE), an alliance made up of the Christian Democracy and the National Party (PN), plus other opposition forces. On May 12, 1973, he was elected president of the Christian Democratic Party. On August 17, 1973, and at the request of Cardinal Raúl Silva Henríquez, he held talks with President Allende, in order to reach an agreement that would put an end to the political crisis.
He was re-elected as senator in the parliamentary elections of March 1973. He remained in the Permanent Commission of Constitution, Legislation, Justice and Regulation and was a substitute in the Permanent Commission of Finance, and in the Agriculture and Colonization. The coup d'état of September 11, 1973, put an early end to his term.
In statements to the press, he echoed the false accusations of the coup leaders against President Salvador Allende, in the sense that the Popular Unity government would be promoting the formation of armed militias for the total seizure of power. In this way, it coincided with the fictitious versions of the White Paper on the change of government in Chile, published by the Government Board of Chile (1973-1990). It should be noted that the theses of the White Paper were later denied even by the United States Government, the CIA, and the Hinchey report of the United States Senate, which would denounce the alleged Plan Z described in that book as a psychological warfare operation. of the Chilean Navy to justify the violations of the human rights of the coup leaders.
Military dictatorship and presidential campaign (1973-1990)
In September 1973, at the time of the coup, he held the presidency of his party. He held this position until 1976. In the months prior to the coup, he was in favor of the intervention of the armed forces, assuring in August 1973 that between "a Marxist dictatorship and a dictatorship of our military, I would choose the latter."
In 1977, along with prominent jurists, he formed a working group to make a proposal regarding future institutionality. In 1978, the body was expanded and took the name of "Grupo de Estudios Constitucionales", also called "Group of 24", this was the first instance of meeting between jurists from different currents democratic politics. He was vice president of it. He rejected the Political Constitution of 1980 and was contrary to its public consultation.
In 1982, he returned to the board of the Christian Democrats as vice president. From this position, he participated in the formation of the Democratic Alliance. Likewise, at the request of the Catholic Church, he promoted the National Agreement for the Transition to Full Democracy.
Between 1987 and 1989, he again held the presidency of the PDC. He participated in the negotiations with the then dictator Augusto Pinochet that sought the approval of 54 reforms to the 1980 Political Constitution, which were approved in the 1989 plebiscite and constituted the first step towards a peaceful transition to democracy. In 1988, he collaborated in the "No" campaign for the plebiscite of that same year. Also, he was a spokesman for the Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia.
After the triumph of the "No", he positioned himself as one of his party's pre-candidates for the presidency of the Republic, for the 1989 presidential election of that year, being elected in November 1988, to the detriment of Gabriel Valdés and Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle. That electoral process was marred by accusations of fraud in his favor known as "carmengate", however, his candidacy prevailed over that of Gabriel Valdés who had been the most prominent leader of the Christian Democratic Party (Chile) during the dictatorship, passing over criticism of the lack of probity of the electoral process. However, he finally aroused the support of his party, being proclaimed on February 5, 1989. Later, on July 6, Aylwin was nominated as a candidate for the Concertación, while his proclamation took place on July 16, 1989 in the Teatro Caupolicán, under the motto "Gana la Gente".
In the presidential election of Thursday, December 14, 1989, he faced the economist and former State Minister of General Pinochet, Hernán Büchi (of the right-wing bloc called Democracy and Progress), and the businessman Francisco Javier Errázuriz Talavera, self-defined as & #34;de centro-centro", winning with 55.2% of the votes. Thus, Aylwin would become the first president elected in a democratic process in almost 17 years and the second Christian Democrat in the country, in addition to being the first concertación president. Additionally, on October 9 of that same year, he participated in the first presidential debate in Chilean history, against his opponent, candidate Büchi.
Presidency (1990-1994)
Among the main milestones of his government —started with the change of command in Valparaíso on March 11, 1990— is the creation of the National Truth and Reconciliation Commission, chaired by the lawyer and former parliamentarian Raúl Rettig, who gave released in March 1991 the so-called "Rettig Report", intended to restore national coexistence and shed light on human rights violations during the military dictatorship, based on a history of deaths and disappearances.
He also highlighted the economic boom that led Chile to grow at an annual rate of 7% based on the promotion of a series of economic reforms, as well as maintaining and consolidating other reforms that were promoted during the military dictatorship, which allowed more than a million Chileans out of poverty, based on maintaining fiscal prudence, an open economy, export growth, a strong private sector and other reforms initiated during the military dictatorship that sought to consolidate a free market and what his government called "growth with equity. This brought encouraging figures such as the reduction in inflation by half, remaining at 12.7%; Unemployment contracted to 4.5% and the savings rate did not drop below 24%. In the same way, notable growth was recorded in the foreign investment indexes. Also noteworthy are the indigenous policy laws that culminated in the creation of the National Corporation for Indigenous Development (Conadi).
With Aylwin, he started the trade opening strategy to the other countries of the Latin American Integration Association (ALADI) through bilateral tariff disarmament agreements. At the same level of international relations, there was a policy promoting participation in the international community. This exercise was devised as a State policy that sought to represent the interests of the country as much as possible, opening participation to all sectors and above partisan interests. The promoted presidential tours reintegrated the country into the international community and recovered the ground that had been lost during the years of isolation of the military dictatorship. At the same time, two economic relationship agreements were adopted with the countries of Mexico, Argentina, Venezuela, Bolivia and Colombia, being a prelude to true free trade agreements as well as the recovery of the commercial dialogue with the United States to integrate Chile into the System General Agreement on Tariff Preferences, also as a precedent for a bilateral free trade agreement.
Despite ceasing to be head of state, Augusto Pinochet remained commander-in-chief of the armed forces, and it fell to Aylwin as president to deal with the implications of the Pinocheques case., which led to the "liaison exercises" and the "boinazo".
He also hosted in Santiago the XXI General Assembly of the Organization of American States (OAS), in June 1991, and the VII Meeting of the Rio Group, in October 1993.
It is customary to also identify the four-year government of Patricio Aylwin as that of the transition, because the agreements between the authorities and the opposition were essential. Seeking in Chile the transition from the long period of the dictatorship to the normal functioning of democratic coexistence, freedom and peace, without traumas or insurmountable losses based on moderation and sanity. The country managed to progress, in democratic political stability, economic growth and social development.
In 1994 he was succeeded by Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle, also a Christian Democrat, who won at the polls with an even higher percentage than he achieved.
Ministers of State
|
State ministries of the Government of Patricio Aylwin Azócar | ||
---|---|---|
Ministry | Owner | Period |
Ministry of the Interior | Enrique Krauss Rusque | 11 March 1990 - 11 March 1994 |
Ministry of Foreign Affairs | Enrique Silva Cimma | 11 March 1990 - 11 March 1994 |
Ministry of National Defence | Patricio Rojas Saavedra | 11 March 1990 - 11 March 1994 |
Ministry of Finance | Alejandro Foxley Rioseco | 11 March 1990 - 11 March 1994 |
Ministry General Secretariat of the Presidency | Edgardo Boeninger Kausel | 11 March 1990 - 11 March 1994 |
Ministry General Secretariat of Government | Enrique Correa Rios | 11 March 1990 - 11 March 1994 |
Ministry of Economy, Development and Reconstruction | Carlos Ominami Pascual Jorge Marshall Rivera Jaime Tohá González | 11 March 1990 - 28 September 1992 28 September 1992 - 16 December 1993 16 December 1993 - 11 March 1994 |
National Energy Commission | Jaime Tohá González | 11 March 1990 - 11 March 1994 |
Minister of Planning and Cooperation | Sergio Molina Silva | 11 March 1990 - 11 March 1994 |
Ministry of Education | Ricardo Lagos Escobar Jorge Arrate Mac Niven | 11 March 1990 - 28 September 1992 28 September 1992 - 11 March 1994 |
Ministry of Justice | Francisco Cereceda | 11 March 1990 - 11 March 1994 |
Ministry of Labour and Social Security | René Cortázar Sanz | 11 March 1990 - 11 March 1994 |
Ministry of Public Works | Carlos Hurtado Ruiz-Tagle | 11 March 1990 - 11 March 1994 |
Ministry of Transport and Telecommunications | Germán Correa Díaz Germán Molina Valdivieso | 11 March 1990 - 28 September 1992 28 September 1992 - 11 March 1994 |
Ministry of Health | Jorge Jiménez De la Jara July Montt Momberg | 11 March 1990 - 30 October 1992 30 October 1992 - 11 March 1994 |
Ministry of Housing and Urbanism | Alberto Etchegaray Aubry | 11 March 1990 - 11 March 1994 |
Ministry of National Property | Luis Alvarado Constenla | 11 March 1990 - 11 March 1994 |
Ministry of Agriculture | Juan Agustín Figueroa Yávar | 11 March 1990 - 11 March 1994 |
Ministry of Mining | Juan Hamilton Depassier Alejandro Hales Jamarne | 11 March 1990 - 28 September 1992 28 September 1992 - 11 March 1994 |
National Women ' s Service | Soledad Alvear Valenzuela | 3 January 1991 - 11 March 1994 |
Public activity after the presidency (1994-2016)
Later, he continued to be active in the country's political life, acting as president of the Justice and Democracy Corporation, of which he had been a founder in 1994. He was not a senator for life, since the 1980 Constitution, in its original wording, reserved that prerogative for presidents who had held office for at least six years (the Constitution currently no longer provides for that institution), but in 2000 a constitutional amendment was approved that granted legal immunity to senators for life who resigned from office, extending the benefit to Aylwin.
After his term, he was commissioned by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) and the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) to preside over the Latin American and the Caribbean on Social Development. He was a member of the Club de Madrid.
In 2001, President Ricardo Lagos appointed him to preside over the Commission for Historical Truth and a New Deal with Indigenous Peoples, adviser to the President of the Republic on knowledge of the vision of the indigenous peoples on historical events and make recommendations for a new State policy on the matter. On the other hand, on July 20, 2001 the National Council of the PDC appointed him temporary president of the formation as the best solution to the leadership crisis caused due to a chaotic registration of candidates that triggered the departure of its helmsman, Ricardo Hormazábal.
On January 27, 2002, Adolfo Zaldívar (leader of the most conservative faction and brother of Andrés Zaldívar, then president of the Senate) was elected to take over from Aylwin, who took advantage of the event to announce his farewell to the activity politics.
"The time has come for a generational change in the leadership of the DC."— Patricio Aylwin, 1 January 2002.
Death, state funeral and posthumous tributes
After he suffered a head injury in December 2015 after falling at home, his health began to deteriorate. He died at the age of 97 at his home in Providencia, Santiago, where he lived for more than half of his life, on April 19, 2016 at 10:30 a.m. (UTC-3), due to respiratory failure. During that day, the Government of Chile decreed three days of national mourning.
On the morning of April 20, a mass was held for the Aylwin family. Subsequently, the coffin was transferred to the building of the former National Congress, a journey during which it received tributes from the Christian Democratic Party (PDC), at its headquarters located in Alameda, and from President Michelle Bachelet and the Orfeón de Carabineros, in the front. north of the Palacio de La Moneda, in front of the Plaza de la Constitución. Aylwin was veiled throughout the afternoon and night of that day in the Hall of Honor of the former Congress, where he was honored by various public figures.
On April 21, the remains of the former president were transferred to the Metropolitan Cathedral of Santiago, a journey during which he was honored by the ministers of the Supreme Court in front of the Palacio de los Tribunales and by the Armed Forces in the Plaza of weapons. In the main Catholic church in Chile, Aylwin's wake was open to the public, being called the "popular tribute". There was also a concert-tribute to the National Youth Orchestra.
On the morning of April 22, the solemn funeral mass was held in the Cathedral of Santiago, presided over by Cardinal Ricardo Ezzati. Subsequently, the coffin was transferred to the General Cemetery by a squadron on horseback from the Presidential Escort Regiment no. The final funeral ceremony was held in the cemetery, which featured speeches by Renán Fuentealba, Enrique Krauss, Carolina Goic and President Bachelet. Aylwin was buried with the interpretation of Mozart's Requiem Mass by the Choir and Orchestra of the Municipal Theater of Santiago.
Electoral history
1965 parliamentary elections
- 1965 parliamentary elections to Senator for the Sixth Provincial Group of Curicó, Talca, Maule and Linares Period 1965-1973 (Source: Electoral Registry Directorate, Sunday, 7 March 1965)
Candidate | Party | Votes | % | Outcome |
---|---|---|---|---|
Sergio Diez Urzúa | PCU | 12 392 | 8,84 | |
Eduardo Silva Pizarro | PCU | 730 | 0.5 | |
Raúl Irarrázaval Lecaros | PCU | 565 | 0.4 | |
Raúl Juliet Gómez | PR | 8145 | 5.8 | Senator |
Joaquín Morales Abarzúa | PR | 7171 | 5.1 | |
René Lagos Rojo | PR | 6252 | 4.46 | |
José Foncea Aedo | PDC | 15 212 | 10,85 | Senator |
Raúl Gormaz Molina | PDC | 3039 | 2.21 | Senator |
Patricio Aylwin Azócar | PDC | 39 079 | 27.9 | Senator |
Ignacio Urrutia de la Sotta | PL | 1336 | 0.95 | |
Jaime Silva | PL | 11 315 | 8,07 | |
Pedro Opaso Cousiño | PL | 439 | 0.3 | |
Rafael Tarud Siwady | PS | 26 512 | 18.9 | Senator |
Albino Barra Villalobos | PS | 8011 | 5.7 |
1973 parliamentary elections
- Senator Sixth Provincial, Talca, Linares, Curicó and Mauleperiod 1973-1981
Candidate | Party | Votes | % | Outcome |
---|---|---|---|---|
A. Confederation of Democracy | ||||
Patricio Aylwin Azócar | PDC | 35 541 | 14.79 | Senator |
José Foncea Aedo | PDC | 16 190 | 6.74 | Senator |
Héctor Valenzuela Valderrama | PDC | 11 708 | 4.87 | |
Sergio Diez Urzúa | PN | 59 503 | 24,76 | Senator |
Eugenio Velasco Letelier | PIR | 7544 | 3.14 | |
Roster votes | CODE | 1605 | 0.67 | |
B. Popular Unity | ||||
Alejandro Toro Herrera | PCCh | 42 770 | 17,8 | Senator |
Erich Schnake Silva | PS | 53 483 | 22,26 | Senator |
Jorge Cabello Pizarro | PR | 9941 | 4.14 | |
Roster votes | UP | 1991 | 0.83 | |
Vows validly issued | 240 276 | 97.72 | ||
Null vote | 3525 | 1.43 | ||
White votes | 2077 | 0.84 | ||
Total votes cast | 245 878 | 100 | ||
Source: Directorate of the Electoral Register. |
1989 Presidential Election
- 1989 Presidential elections for the Presidency of the Republic
Candidate | Covenant | Party | Votes | % | Results |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Hernán Büchi Buc | Democracy and Progress | Ind. | 2 052 116 | 29,40 | |
Francisco Javier Errázuriz Talavera | Chilean Liberal-Socialist | Ind. | 1 077 172 | 15,43 | |
Patricio Aylwin Azócar | Conclusion | PDC | 3 850 571 | 55.17 | Chairman |
Distinctions and decorations
National Awards
- Grand Master of the Order of Bernard O'Higgins (ChileChile, 1990-1994).
- Grand Master of the Order to Merit of Chile (ChileChile, 1990-1994).
- Declared "hijo ilustre" and distinguished with the Antofagasta Golden Anchor (1994).
- Declared "illustre son" of Providencia (2015) and Cauquenes (2016).
Foreign Awards
- Necklace of the Order of Isabella the Catholic (SpainSpain, 1990).
- Necklace of the Order of Charles III (SpainSpain, 1991).
- Necklace of the Order of Merito Melitensi (Order of Malta, 1990).
- Knight of the Great Cross adorned with the Grand Cord of the Order to the Merit of the Italian Republic (ItalyItaly, 1991).
- Grand Star of Order to Merit of the Republic of Austria (AustriaAustria, 1993).
- Order of the Crown of the Kingdom (MalaysiaMalaysia, 1990).
- Great Necklace of the Order of Freedom (Portugal, 1993).
- Honorary Member of the Order of Jamaica (Jamaica).
Doctor honoris causa
Other distinctions
- In 1997, the Council of Europe granted it the North-South Award for its contribution in the field of human rights, democracy and cooperation between Europe and Latin America.
- In 1988 he received J. William Fulbright Prize for International Understanding.
- At his funerals, Friday, April 22, 2016, at the Cathedral of Santiago. Cardinal Ricardo Ezzati, posthumously appointed the late president Patricio Aylwin as Knight of the Order of Santiago. On the occasion, Ezzati handed over the Cross of the Apostle James to the widow of Aylwin, Leonor Oyarzún.
- In May 2022 the Municipality of Providencia agreed to rename the Inés Square of Suárez as "Plaza Patricio Aylwin".
- In 30 November 2022, a monument of former President Patricio Aylwin Azocar was inaugurated at the Currency Palace.
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