Leonel Fernandez
Leonel Antonio Fernández Reyna (Santo Domingo, December 26, 1953) is a Dominican writer, lawyer, professor and politician. He was the 63rd and 65th president of the Dominican Republic from August 16, 1996 to August 16, 2000 and from August 16, 2004 to August 16, 2012.
Early years and academic training
Leonel Fernández is the son of José Antonio Fernández Collado and Yolanda Reyna Romero, he was born on December 26, 1953 in San Carlos, a populous sector of Santo Domingo in the Dominican Republic and grew up in Villa Juana, another sector of the capital country. In 1962 Fernández emigrated to the United States where he studied academically in New York.
When he finished high school in New York, he began his law studies at the Autonomous University of Santo Domingo. There he joined the Dominican Liberation Party (PLD) in 1973. In his first years of university he was part of the student movement of the 1970s, eventually holding the position of general secretary of the Asociación de Estudiantes de la Faculty of Legal and Political Sciences of the UASD, having actively participated in the protest days.
In 1978, Fernández obtained the title of Doctor of Laws Magna Cum Laude, which earned him the J. Humberto Ducoudray award, for having been the most outstanding student of his class. His doctoral thesis The Crime of Public Opinion referred to the issue of public opinion and the figures that build the crime on the emission of thought.
Fernández has been a professor at the Autonomous University of Santo Domingo and the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences (FLACSO), in the areas of sociology of communication, press law and international relations.
Political life
In his early college years he was part of the Student Movement during the 1970s and joined the Dominican Liberation Party (PLD) in 1973, as a founding member of that organization, led by Professor Juan Bosch. In his professional career, during the 70s and 80s, he taught various subjects at the UASD and at the Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences (FLACSO).
His growing incidence in intellectual circles through conferences, journalistic work and debates, was accompanied by a progressive rise within his party, which led him to occupy positions of great political responsibility, becoming a member of the Committee Central, in 1985, and the Political Committee, in 1990. In the PLD he held the Secretaría de Asuntos Internacionales y de Prensa, and was director of the magazine Política, Teoría y Acción.
Fernández was a very close disciple of Juan Bosch, running for vice-presidency alongside him during the 1994 presidential election, but they were defeated by President Joaquín Balaguer, who was seeking re-election at the time.
In 1994 he was chosen as a candidate for the vice presidency of the republic along with Juan Bosch for the elections of the same year, being defeated in third place. The allegations of fraud during the 1994 contest created a political crisis that forced Balaguer to shorten his period of government and to hold new elections two years before the established date. In the following year, he was proclaimed presidential candidate for the 1996 presidential elections where he was elected in the second round, presenting for the Patriotic Front coalition with 51.25% of the votes against the PRD candidate, the social democrat Jose Francisco Peña Gomez. He was sworn in on the 16th of that same year, becoming the first head of state to emerge from the Dominican Liberation Party (PLD) and one of the youngest to assume the position. The first Fernandez government was characterized by macroeconomic stability, inflation control, maintaining an average growth of 7%, the highest in the entire region, in addition to significant investments in works infrastructure especially in the city of Santo Domingo, the privatization of state companies, reforms in order to modernize the state such as the introduction of computer labs to schools and the creation of the Technological Institute of the Americas and the cybernetic park.
In the first round of the May 16, 1996 elections, no candidate obtained 50+1 of the votes required by law. After a second round held on June 30 and due to an alliance called the "Patriotic Front" Composed mainly of the Dominican Liberation Party (PLD) and the Social Christian Reformist Party (PRSC), Fernández emerged victorious with 1,466,382 votes against 1,394,641 votes for main opposition candidate José Francisco Peña Gómez, candidate of the Dominican Revolutionary Party (PRD).
Presidential terms
First period: 1996-2000
Fernández was sworn in as president on August 16, 1996, succeeding Joaquín Balaguer, to become the first head of state to emerge from the Dominican Liberation Party and one of the youngest statesmen in Latin America at that time.
Fernández undertook a dynamic and aggressive foreign policy that rescued the Dominican Republic from its traditional isolation and placed it at the very center of the processes of regional integration, market opening, and globalization. During his term in government, he encouraged the country's participation in political and economic organizations in the hemisphere, such as the Organization of American States, OAS, and the Summit of the Americas. He set out to develop the country comparatively and with reference to those of the first world, saying "We can be the Singapore of the Caribbean".
Fernández focused on maintaining macroeconomic stability by maintaining an average growth of 7%, the highest in Latin America in that period, similar to countries like South Korea. Inflation stabilized below one digit, the lowest in all of Latin America. His government prioritized large infrastructure projects, which included the construction of elevated roads, tunnels, and boulevards in the center of the city of Santo Domingo, specifically on 27 de Febrero and John F. Kennedy, while encouraging foreign investment, but neglecting social aspects such as education and public health.
Convinced of the importance of the development of information and communications technology, he dedicated special efforts to equip all public secondary schools in the country with computer laboratories. He established the award for deserving students, awarded monthly at the national level; He promoted the culture of reading through competitions called Reading Olympics and established the Santo Domingo International Book Fair. He established the school breakfast, thus favoring a large student population with limited resources.
Under his mandate, the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) was drawn up with the countries of CARICOM and Central America.
Fernández did not aspire to a second term as a president was constitutionally prohibited from governing in consecutive terms, and therefore his party chose its second trusted man, Danilo Medina, as its candidate for the 2000 elections. However, Medina was defeated by the PRD leader, Hipólito Mejía, who captured the popular sentiment of the time, taking advantage of the fact that many Dominicans considered that the reforms and the alleged economic growth of Fernández were not reflected in their daily lives.
Second term: 2004-2008
Fernández was elected for a second term in the presidential elections held on May 16, 2004 with an absolute majority and the second highest percentage in Dominican history (57%), representing the PLD. His victory was due in large part to the fall of the Dominican economy as a result of the mistakes of the government of Hipólito Mejía. Fernández found an atmosphere where high oil prices and an economy in international crisis prevailed after 9/11, excessive indebtedness during the government of Hipólito Mejía and the collapse of three of the largest banks in the country: Banco Intercontinental (Baninter), Bancredito and Banco Mercantil. In an effort to prevent further economic chaos, the Mejía government paid off bank customers, thus assuming even greater public debt. Some of the bankers involved were tried and imprisoned; however, the magnitude of their frauds was difficult to measure due to the link that existed between them during the Fernández and Mejía administrations, where they enjoyed the support of officials who turned a blind eye; since 1998, when it is believed that the largest embezzlement in the financial history of the Dominican Republic and the fifth in the world began, that of the Intercontinental Bank. [citation required]
Leonel Fernández was sworn in for the second time on August 16, 2004. At the beginning of his second presidential term, he had to deal with the economic crisis inherited from the previous government, the result of the bank bailout caused by the mismanagement of some private banking sectors and which it had been brewing since the mid-1990s. This brought about a slump in the local economy. To combat this crisis, it was necessary to take drastic measures such as the restructuring of the exchange rate against the dollar, a measure that caused the loss of more than 120,000 jobs in the free zones and an impressive jump in the internal debt. This debt, known as the "quasi-fiscal deficit" motivated the introduction to Congress of a law with the objective of dismantling it in ten years. Those involved in this case, part of those who were convicted, were later released by Fernández's decree, which was highly criticized by various sectors.
Leonel Fernández has made extensive efforts within his governments in favor of the development of the country's technology. Under this mandate, he founded the Parque Cibernético de Santo Domingo, a high-tech free zone in September 2004, which later failed and was converted into the Technological Institute of the Americas (ITLA). His speech and way of governing is widely regarded as "progressive"; and "modernista" both nationally and internationally. The phrase that really became popular was "turning the Dominican Republic into a small New York". However, these efforts were in turn overshadowed by the lack of allocation of the resources established by law to the country's education sector, considering that said budget item, in his opinion, represented a "false debate". Fernández considered that before investing 4% in education, it was necessary to improve the preparation of teachers.
Last presidential term: 2008-2012
During the Mejía government, the constitution was modified to allow the incumbent president to run for a new term. Although Hipólito Mejía was ultimately defeated in his re-election bid, this opened the door for Fernández to try the same.
Fernández candidate of the Dominican Liberation Party (PLD) and his allies were victorious in the presidential elections of May 16, 2008 with 53% of the votes against 40% for his main rival Miguel Vargas Maldonado and the PRSC candidate, Kind Aristy, the latter only got 4% of the votes.
Fernández assumed his new mandate on August 16, 2008, in the midst of a strong international economic crisis and an internal situation marked by an increase in crime and drug trafficking. At the inauguration, his speech focused on economic aspects, highlighting the stability that the dollar rate maintained in his previous government. He also highlighted, among other achievements, the decrease in the unemployment rate from 19.7% in 2004 to 14% in April 2008 and announced a set of fiscal and tributary measures to be able to face the economic crisis.
Fernández promised the execution of a medium- and long-term macroeconomic program, aimed at preserving stability, achieving a minimum annual average growth of 6% of GDP, and keeping inflation in single digits. Parallel to this, it would seek to privilege social spending in aspects such as education, health, access to drinking water and housing. In that same order, he affirmed his intentions to maintain the current account deficit at around 4% of GDP. Fernández also announced the construction of a second line of the Santo Domingo Metro.
On March 27, 2011, several Dominican officials and legislators supportive of the Fernández government held an event at the Palacio de los Deportes in the city of Santo Domingo where they they collected 2.2 million signatures in order to request their reappointment for a new term. During the event Fernández stated that he was "a soldier of the PLD". He also pointed out that "these two million 200 thousand signatures, which are two million 200 thousand votes, I make them available to the PLD for whatever the party decides". However, a large part of society and the The opposition alleged that the act was a clear violation of the Dominican constitution. On April 8, Leonel Fernández declined his aspirations to run for a new term, partly due to the strong social and political crisis that the country was going through.
2009 Constitutional Reform: Controversies
At the end of 2008, Fernández convened the National Congress to submit to the Asamblea Revisora the bill on the proposed reform or new Constitution. it had undergone other modifications in 1994 and 2002. To this end, a commission of jurists was appointed and the reform was finally approved thanks to a political pact with Miguel Vargas Maldonado, who proposed a new presidential election model.
This new constitutional reform submitted by Fernández on September 18, 2008, is defined, until now, as the most modern, complete and comprehensive in the country, although it provoked criticism from civil society and the Dominican people in general, in the sense that the approval of the text was carried out irregularly as it was not submitted to the Assembly.
Some of the articles of said reform were unpopular and provoked protests from different sectors of society. As an example, articles such as the "right to life from conception", which prohibits abortion without exception; the one that says that "a citizen cannot sue in unconstitutionality" which restricts the right of the citizen to refute the decrees emanating from the executive branch. The article that limits the free access of citizens to public beach areas was also object of repudiation.
2009 Constitutional Reform: Controversies
At the end of 2008, Fernández convened the National Congress to submit to the Asamblea Revisora the bill on the proposed reform or new Constitution. it had undergone other modifications in 1994 and 2002. To this end, a commission of jurists was appointed and the reform was finally approved thanks to a political pact with Miguel Vargas Maldonado, who proposed a new presidential election model.
This new constitutional reform submitted by Fernández on September 18, 2008, is defined, until now, as the most modern, complete and comprehensive in the country, although it provoked criticism from civil society and the Dominican people in general, in the sense that the approval of the text was carried out irregularly as it was not submitted to the Assembly.
Some of the articles of said reform were unpopular and provoked protests from different sectors of society. As an example, articles such as the "right to life from conception", which prohibits abortion without exception; the one that says that "a citizen cannot sue in unconstitutionality" which restricts the right of the citizen to refute the decrees emanating from the executive branch. The article that limits the free access of citizens to public beach areas was also object of repudiation.
Santo Domingo Subway
Fernández submitted the Santo Domingo Metro construction project to the Oficina para el Reordenamiento del Transporte (OPRET) in October 2005, under the argument of improving transit in the city of Santo Domingo through a modern system and unrelated to fuel price fluctuations, both in the world market and in the domestic market.
Since the Metro project was announced, certain social sectors of civil society and the opposition expressed their disagreement with the project, arguing, among other things, its high execution and maintenance costs.
It was also argued that the demand for resources in this project was detrimental to satisfying the country's fundamental needs such as health, education, the problems of the electricity sector, and access to basic family basket products.
Years later, the Santo Domingo Metro has effectively represented an alternative to the crisis that the country is going through in terms of transportation. However, the neatness in the management of the resources for its execution was seriously questioned. The Metro project was headed by Diandino Peña, who in the previous mandate of Leonel Fernández obtained the allocation of three quarters of the works carried out in said period. Diandino's work in the execution of the subway and other infrastructure works has been linked to corruption, clientelism and influence peddling.
Corruption scandals
During the last months of his first term in government (1996-2000) and despite not having been prosecuted, his administration was criticized for practices such as the illegal awarding of contracts, the new standard of living exhibited by many of his officials, very distant from the one they had before coming to power or due to cases of embezzlement, as in the notorious PEME case. Although the PEME case, named after the acronym of the "Minimum Essential Employment Program", important PLD leaders were brought to justice, accused of defrauding the State with more than one billion pesos. The defense argued that the main interest was to damage the reputation of those leaders and procedural failures, including the lack of an audit, caused the case to fall into legal limbo.
Some voices expressed their repudiation of the use of state resources for his personal projection and during the 2008 electoral campaign, there were allegations that Fernández used public resources to favor his presidential re-election.In March of that same year, the journalist Nuria Piera denounced that the government paid militants of the "Dominican Liberation Party" through an illegal payroll that was fed with funds from different institutions of the Dominican State.
The Dominican Revolutionary Party denounced that between 2006 and 2010 it was able to verify a large number of irregularities linked to the Fernández administration, including bribery for the sum of 3.5 million dollars in the purchase of the Super Tucanos planes, the destination unknown of the US$ 130 Million dollars in taxes paid by the Verizon company, the US$ 1,660 Million dollars contributed through the PETROCARIBE program and US$750 Million dollars of sovereign bonds
In 2012, Héctor Rodríguez Pimentel, then director of the National Institute of Hydraulic Resources and other officials of the (INDRHI) were subdued by the DPCA corruption prevention department for the irregular handling of RD$1,526 million and US$56.4 million, these last product of the construction of the Monte Grande Dam.
The alleged use of state resources in the 2012 electoral campaign is believed to have contributed significantly to the victory of Lic. Danilo Medina during the 2012 electoral campaign. According to polling firms such as Gallup-Hoy and Penn, Schoen & Berland, a high percentage of the Dominican population has the perception that the last two periods of the Fernández government are among the most corrupt in the history of the Dominican Republic, after the fall of the Trujillo regime. Also organizations such as "International Transparency" have expressed their concern in this regard.
On December 22, 2008, Fernández pardoned Vivian Lubrano de Castillo, a banker convicted in the previous PRD administration for embezzlement from the Baninter bank. Also that same day, he pardoned Pedro Franco Badía and the trade unionists Antonio Marte, Milcíades Amaro Guzmán and Gervasio de la Rosa, four of those convicted in the file of the Plan Renove .
Citizen insecurity, drug trafficking and organized crime
During the Fernández governments there was an increase in murders by the National Police, which were almost always presented to society as "exchanges of shots". police was joined by the increase in the number of kidnappings and the increase in the perception of citizen insecurity.
Some time after Fernández took the reins of the Dominican Republic, there has been a perception by society, together with the media bombardment of drug trafficking cases in the country, of a possible increase in organized crime.
The cases of organized crime were increasing during the last two periods of Fernández, although many organizations dedicated to crime and drug trafficking were dismantled, it was evident that the complicity of the authorities with the main drug traffickers was a reality. The most prominent cases were those of the criminal Arturo de Tiempo, who has been sentenced in Spain for a shipment of 1,212 kilos of cocaine; this was introduced to Leonel as a construction businessman, in addition, a close friendship was attributed to the head of the National Police at the time, so much so that he was granted the rank of Colonel.
In 2009, more than 4.6 million dollars in cash and his assets valued at 263 million dollars were seized from José David Figueroa Agosto, including luxury watches, apartments, houses, villas and cars. In this case, the military, police, bank managers, businessmen and legislators were involved. The involvement of the authorities was so great that the drug trafficker had a card that accredited him as a member of the National Directorate of Investigations (DNI) and two Identity Cards issued by the Central Electoral Board (JCE).
Other highly relevant cases were those of Oscar Ezequiel Rodríguez, who allegedly contributed to the political campaigns of both the PLD and the PRD, the Paya massacre in Bani in which high-ranking soldiers of the Dominican National Army were involved, and, murder of journalist José Silvestre after he announced that he would denounce drug traffickers linked to political power on his program. Recently extradited drug trafficker Quirino Ernesto Paulino Castillo claims to have cooperated in the political campaigns of Leonel Fernández and contributed to the Global Foundation for Democracy and Development (FUNGLODE).
Most of these accusations were not heard in court and in other cases they were dismissed or those involved received minimal sentences.
Economic policy
Fernández's economic policy was characterized in a general sense by prioritizing the country's international projection and aspects related to the good performance of the Macroeconomics, such as sustained growth and the stability of the exchange rate. However, this model of economic growth was not verified by the development of the national productive apparatus, but was largely financed by an increase in public debt, both internal and external, and by a high level of current expenses on the part of the sector. public. [citation needed]At the end of his last term in government, he left a fiscal deficit of 8% of GDP, about 187,000 million pesos, equivalent to about 4.6 billion dollars americans.
On the other hand, it is argued that these achievements at the macroeconomic level were not reflected microeconomically in a better distribution of income, that is, that the prioritization of infrastructure construction, access to technology and the good positioning of the country internationally left aside the importance of attention to basic sectors such as health, education and the cost of living. To this is added the lack of transparency of the actions of the public sector and an aggressive policy of external indebtedness.
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Energy sector
In his first government (1996-2000) the privatization of the sector was sought, something that was classified by some sectors as a total mistake. After passing into government hands during the government of Hipólito Mejía (2000-2004), Fernández privatized it again due to a request from the Dominican business community.
Fernández's economic policy for the electricity sector was not able to solve the problems of that sector. He was based on the maintenance of million-dollar subsidies as well as the exoneration of payment to large masses of poor users and the lack of penalties for the theft of energy.
External Debt
In Fernández's first government (1996-2000), the external debt was reduced by 3.3%, going from US$3,807.3 million to US$3,679.4 million. In his second term (2004-2008) increased by 18.3%, going from US$6,379.4 million to US$7,542 million between December 2004 and December 2007. But this amount was insignificant compared to the increase experienced by the external debt in his third term (2008-2012). By December 2012, the Dominican external debt had reached US$ 13,708 million.
Personal life
In the mid-1980s, Fernández married Rocío Domínguez with whom they had two children: Nicole (born in 1987) and Omar Leonel Fernández (born in 1991) Deputy of the Dominican Republic since 2020. The couple divorced in 1996. On February 10, 2003, Fernández married the lawyer Margarita Cedeño Lizardo, a collaborator in his first government (1996-2000), and with whom he had Yolanda América (born in September 2003). The couple divorced in 2022..
Fernández is a polyglot and in addition to Spanish, he speaks English and French.
Global Foundation for Democracy and Development
Fernández is the founder and honorary president of three non-profit institutions: the Global Foundation for Democracy and Development (FUNGLODE), the Global Foundation for Democracy and Development (GFDD), a subsidiary of FUNGLODE in the United States, and the Association Dominican Republic of the United Nations (ANU-RD).
FUNGLODE is a non-profit institution, with the purpose of studying vital issues for the Dominican Republic and its international context, developing innovative proposals of a strategic nature, designing public policies, raising the quality of the national debate, and promoting the training of national human resources. It also recognizes different sectors of society with FUNGLODE/GFDD Awards and organizes the Dominican Global Film Festival, which promotes film culture in the Dominican Republic.
On February 9, 2016, Fernández presented through FUNGLODE, "Dominican Republic 2044", a medium and long-term infrastructure development project that includes more than 1,200 projects that will be built throughout the national geography for the bicentennial of the independence of the Dominican Republic in the year 2044. Presented with 3D animation, the project presents large constructions ranging from highways and community centers, to a freight and passenger train that will tour the country from Haina to Monte Cristi.
International Organizations
Leonel Fernández is a member of several international councils and institutions, among which are:
- Circle of Montevideo (since 1996)
- Council of Freely Elected Heads of Government
- Carter Center (since 1997)
- Foreign Affairs in Spanish (since 2000)
- Inter-American Dialogue (since 2001)
- Club de Madrid (since 2001)
- Club of Executives United States - Caribbean
- Centre for Strategic and International Studies
- United Nations Dominican Association
Honoris Causa Doctorate
Fernández has been distinguished with the title doctor honoris causa from the following universities:
- 1999 University of Sorbonne.
- 2000 Universidad Nacional Pedro Henríquez Ureña.
- 2000 Seton Hall University.
- 2002 Universidad de Santiago de Chile.
- 2002 Lehman College.
- 2004 Stevens Institute of Technology, New Jersey.
- 2005 University of Massachusetts.
- 2006 Hankuk University of Foreign Studies, South Korea.
- 2013 University of Paris Paris, France
- 2018 Universidad Nacional de San Martín, Partido de San Martín, Provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina
International recognitions
In 2001 he was named a "Friend of the Americas" by US President Bill Clinton.
In 2002, he received the National Culture Award of the Dominican Republic.
In 2009, he was made a "Knight of the Legion of Honor" by the French government.
In 2010, he received the "Juan Bosch" for his contribution to democracy and the development of the country.
In 2011, he received the "Fulbright" for her contribution to international cooperation and educational development.
In March 2005, he was received as a guest of honor by the president of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Susan Hockfield, being the keynote speaker at the VIII Latin American Conference of the MIT Sloan School of Management. On November 4 of that same year in Bogotá, he was declared a guest of honor and received the keys to the city from Mayor Luis Eduardo Garzón.
In April 2011, Fernández received the Order of the Quetzal in the rank of Great Collar from his Guatemalan counterpart, Álvaro Colom.
In 2012, he received the "Statesman of the Year" award from the "Canadian Council of the Americas" (CCA).
As a writer
Books
- The crime of public opinion: censorship, ideology and freedom of expression. 2011
- Conflict ideas: posthumous dialogue between Juan Bosch and John Bartlow Martin. 2019
- Years of progress: political writings of theory and action. 2018
- Speeches. 1998
- Leonel: campaign issues, October 1993- March 1996. 1998
- Government, party and society. 2000
- Oil and its impact on the economy and development of the Dominican Republic. 2003
- The modernization of the Dominican Republic: management memories, 1996-2000. 2000
- Years of formation: cutting-edge political writings. 2012
- Democracy, Modernity and Progress: Addresses by President Leonel Fernández. 2015
- Roots of a Usurpado Power
- The United States in the Caribbean: From the Cold War to the Reagan Plan
- The Dominican Republic towards the new century
- Globalization and the Dominican Republic
- New Paradigm
Articles
- George W. Bush will be elected on King's Day. 27 December 2000
- Are we really in 2001?. 8 January 2001
- Mexico and Dominican Republic: Two Power Leaders in Latin America. 15 January 2001
- Bill Clinton: A Testimonial. 22 January 2001
- The Perfect Storm. January 29, 2001
- What I heard in Washington. 5 February 2001
- Dominican Republic, Interdependence and Oil. 19 February 2001
- Electronic Democracy. 26 February 2001
- Does Populism Resurrect? 5 March 2001
- Populism and Ideology. 12 March 2001
- Populism and Social Democracy. 19 March 2001
- Populism and Neoliberalism. 26 March 2001
- From Eurocommunism to the Third Way. 2 April 2001
- The Third Way: A Social Democracy Renewal Project. 9 April 2001
- Divergences About the Third Way. 16 April 2001
- Third Way and Politics in Latin America. 23 April 2001
- The UNCCD and the Third Way. 30 April 2001
- The Democratic Clause at the Quebec Summit. 7 May 2001
- Can democracy survive in Latin America? 14 May 2001
- The world of the post-War Cold. 21 May 2001
- The origins of globalization. 28 May 2001
- Globalization and neoliberalism. 4 June 2001
- Tony Blair: The Third Way Triumph and Modernization. 11 June 2001
- What's going on? 18 June 2001
- Tax Reform, Budget and Sovereign Bonds. 25 June 2001
- Juan Bosch: To His Nineties and Two Years. 2 July 2001
- Bonuses for what? 9 July 2001
- Does America need a foreign policy?. 16 July 2001
- Kissinger: Theoretic of the Balance of Powers. 23 July 2001
- Political Challenges. 30 July 2001
- Political Hegemony and Governance. 6 August 2001
- Crisis of Governance in Latin America?. 13 August 2001
- In the Cooperstown Hall of Fame. 20 August 2001
- The PLD in the National Political System. 27 August 2001
- The Absurd Policy. 3 September 2001
- The Right of Resistance to the Unjust. 10 September 2001
- Between the Clash of Civilizations and Post-Modern Terrorism. 17 September 2001
- The First War of the CenturyXXI. 24 September 2001
- Hawks and pigeons in front of terrorism. 1 October 2001
- Juan Bosch: Memories of a Relationship. 8 October 2001
- Reflections on governance. 15 October 2001
- Reflections on Governance Part II. 22 October 2001
- From the socialist revolution to liberal democracy. 26 November 2001
- Global economic recession. December 3, 2001
- Clarification on freedom of expression. 10 December 2001
- Political parties, governance and development. 17 December 2001
- The Challenge of Political Parties in the CenturyXXI. 24 December 2001
- PLD, re-election and congressional extension. 31 December 2001
- The Supreme Court and the PRD Trends. 7 January 2002
- Psychopathology of Dominican politics. 14 January 2002
- The Camilo case and the Orwellian world. 21 January 2002
- Back to politics. 28 January 2002
- Return USA. to a war economy? 18 February 2002
- Hugo Chávez and the art of governing. 25 February 2002
- Pretrial detention and provisional release. 11 March 2002
- The Supreme Court in defense of freedom. 25 March 2002
- I lunch with Bill Clinton. 8 April 2002
- Chávez: the spectacularity of an unexpected return. 15 April 2002
- Reelection and democracy. 29 July 2002
Speeches
The most important speeches delivered by Leonel Fernández during the presidential campaign and the exercise of his mandate are collected in the volumes:
- Addresses I and II
- Campaign topics I and II
- The Dominican Republic Towards the New Century
- No Government had done so
- Globalization and the Dominican Republic
- Speaking the People Understand
- Leonel: Future Vision.
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