Institutional Revolutionary Party

The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) is a center-right Mexican political party. It was founded on March 4, 1929 under the name of Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR) by former President Plutarco Elías Calles. In 1938 it was reconstituted as the Party of the Mexican Revolution (PRM) and in 1946 it was refounded, adopting its current name. It was the ruling party in Mexico for seventy consecutive years, from 1930 to 2000. In 1988 it suffered its greatest split, with the separation of the Democratic Current, which led to the creation of the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD).

Over its nine decades of existence, the party has embraced a wide variety of ideologies, often determined by the incumbent president. In its beginnings it was defined as a party with leftist ideals, marked by the recently ended Mexican Revolution. In the 1980s, the party underwent various neoliberal reforms that formed its current incarnation, with policies identified as center-right, such as the privatization of state companies, reestablishment of relations with the Catholic Church, and the implementation of a free market capitalism.

Despite being a full member of the Socialist International (along with its rival, the left-wing PRD party), the PRI is in practice not considered a socialist or social democratic party.

The current party platform advocates an economic balance between social welfare and capitalism, the promotion of Mexican culture, modernization of the countryside, federalism, gender parity, the use of sustainable energy, the strengthening of security national, the division of powers and establish a new fiscal pact.

In the 2018 presidential elections, it was the third national political force, receiving 13% of the votes cast, in favor of its candidate not affiliated with the party, José Antonio Meade Kuribreña. Within the LXV legislature of the Congress of the Union has 69 federal deputies and 12 senators from the republic. It currently has the governorship of Coahuila de Zaragoza, Durango and the State of Mexico. In February 2020, the party had 1,587,242 affiliated militants.

History

National Revolutionary Party (1928-1938)

Emblem of the Revolutionary National Party.

In 1928, President Plutarco Elías Calles proposed the creation of the Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR), with the intention of creating a space where the survivors of the Mexican Revolution could generate responses to the political crisis that led to the assassination of President Álvaro Obregón in 1928. In March of the following year, the creation of the party was consummated. On November 22, 1928, a small group of politicians related to Plutarco Elías Calles met at the house of Luis L. León, on Londres street 156 of Mexico City, to begin the work of organizing the PNR, serving as the first president of the steering committee Plutarco Elías Calles, as general secretary Luis L. León and general Manuel Pérez Treviño as treasurer. Additionally, the group was made up of other politicians such as Gonzalo N. Santos, Emilio Portes Gil, José Manuel Puig Casauranc, Manlio Fabio Altamirano, David Orozco and Aarón Sáenz.

Plutarco Elías Calles, founder of the party.

On January 5, 1929, a convention was called, which would take place on March 4 of the same year in the city of Querétaro, with the intention of formalizing the statutes of the new organization and presenting the presidential candidate of the National Revolutionary Party. In 1929, the PNR emerged as a party of currents, of different but related political forces, originating from the movement of 1910. The PNR would be, consequently, "the most powerful institution for political competition, and the appropriate place for design the first agreements and practices in the struggle for public power. Thus, it was able to sponsor government replacements through elections and in conditions of social stability".

Conceived as a mass party and with the self-declared intention of protecting workers' rights, it promoted a growing rise in political participation through popular mobilizations, which demanded, in turn, greater participation in political affairs. of the State and an equitable distribution of wealth. During the first years of the party, it had a clearly socialist character, which went against the center-right and extreme-right elements that were proliferating in the country as a result of the fascist movements in Europe, in 1936 it was created, as a binder of the labor movement, the Confederation of Workers of Mexico (CTM) and, two years later, for the ejidal wing, the National Peasant Confederation (CNC). Later, in 1943, the National Confederation of Popular Organizations (CNOP) would be established, which would include the other groups that could not be included in the other organizations, such as the government bureaucrats, who from the beginning participated with a discount of 10 cents to his salary, with which the party would configure a general structure representative of the worker, peasant and popular sectors, in addition to a group that would integrate the military wing of the party, which would be part of it until the year of 1946.

Party of the Mexican Revolution (1938-1946)

Party of the Mexican Revolution, successor of the PNR in 1938.

Nine years later, in 1938, after the rupture between General Plutarco Elías Calles and the then President Lázaro Cárdenas, in which various distinguished members of the party participated, such as former President Emilio Portes Gil, a change was made in the directives of the party at the national level; and its ranks included various workers' unions in the country that until then were officially outside the party. Officially, the name of the party changed as well, now being the Party of the Mexican Revolution (PRM).

In the same decade, the partisan system emerged in Mexico, since the absolute presence that it maintained on the national political scene was cut from 1939, with the entry of new political parties, most of which were formed temporarily under the auspices and with the purpose of launching the candidacy of someone for the presidency of the Republic, as was the case of the National Synarchist Union. Likewise, parties emerged whose presence has lasted and surpassed the candidacy of their founders, as is the case of the National Action Party. Most of these parties were classified by the PRI itself as parties with ideologies and principles opposed to the postulates of the Revolution.

As the guerrilla era was coming to a close, and with the construction of an extensive network of highways, cheaper food and the supply of various products became easier; the union organization, the recognition of workers' rights, the legal status for employees and the institution of civil retirement pensions, gave job security that had not been known until then. On the other hand, the rise of education made it possible to increase the base of possibilities that the population could count on.

Institutional Revolutionary Party (Since 1946)

Institutional Revolutionary Party, successor of the PRM in 1946.

Starting in the 1940s, the party witnessed economic growth in Mexico. The stability achieved, which the party attributed to itself as the only source of political power in the country, was subjected to strong pressures and demands to maintain the conquest of post-revolutionary power. Likewise, the PRI faced a generational change, a product of the aging of the militants trained in the revolutionary struggle. This forced to cede places of power to university-educated civilians.

From 1946 to 1968, the party overcame power imbalances that threatened to give way to authoritarianisms of the left or right, which emerged in the context of World War II and, later, the Cold War. In 1947, the PRI government recognized the vote of women in municipal elections, and in 1953, the right of women to vote and be voted for in any election at the federal and local level.

However, these measures did not prevent the emergence of non-conformist movements that became more violent, notable as early as the 1950s and even more so during the 1960s. In the 1952 federal elections, Miguel Henríquez Guzmán denounced a lack of cleanliness in the elections that faced Adolfo Ruiz Cortines. This produced a wave of protests that provoked, in various entities of the republic, violent repressions by the government of Miguel Alemán Valdés. In an attempt to provide a legitimate outlet for the opposition, the PRI finally allowed a plurality of parties in 1963, when the president of Mexico, Adolfo López Mateos, supported the introduction of minority Deputies, so that the new Deputies integrated into congress They were able to contribute to electoral, foreign investment and labor legislation. This allowed PAN member Adolfo Christlieb Ibarrola to be elected deputy.

The measures taken towards political plurality did not satisfy all opposition sectors, and the government continued with violent repression during the 1960s, causing, at the end of the 1960s, the Chilpancingo massacre where 20 people were killed. Finally, the climate of repression and violence would exceed the civility of the PRI of yesteryear, leading at the end of 1968 to the massacre of students on October 2 in Tlatelolco, whose execution order and direct responsibility is attributed to President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz. In this massacre, between 200 and 300 people were officially massacred, however most current sources speak of 1,000 to 2,000 deaths in that event alone and another 200 in later events. This fact is widely remembered even today and was still mentioned in the 2012 elections. In 1971 there was another serious massacre, the Corpus Thursday massacre, although the number of victims was significantly lower.

At that moment, the old conciliatory and dictatorial PRI died and a repressive PRI was born, disconnected from the population. The mysterious death of Carlos Madrazo, former president in conflict with Gustavo Díaz Ordaz on June 4, 1969 election year in a plane crash over the city of Monterrey, raised doubts about a possible murder. It begins at that moment, a period of decline.

Just initiating a return to the heroic and idealistic era of the revolution, in the sense of overcoming collective interests to the petty individual interests, we can face the political and other crises that try to provoke the eternal enemies of the process..."

Final stage of the PRI in government (1977-2000)

" We arrive at scales and the votes will not take us out."

Fidel Velázquez

Students on burned truck, July 1968.

The biggest controversy between these times was the 1968 Movement in Mexico or the "Matanza de Tlatelolco", a social movement in which, in addition to students from the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), the National Polytechnic Institute (IPN), the National Pedagogical University (UPN), the College of Mexico, the Chapingo School of Agriculture, the Ibero-American University, the La Salle University and the Meritorious Autonomous University of Puebla participated teachers, intellectuals, amas home, workers and professionals in Mexico City and other states of the country such as Puebla, constituted in the governing body of the movement called the National Strike Council (CNH). The movement had a petition from the CNH to the Government of Mexico for specific actions such as the release of political prisoners and the reduction or elimination of authoritarianism. Basically, the movement sought a democratic change in the country, greater political and civil liberties, less inequality, and the resignation of the PRI government that they considered authoritarian.

The 1968 Movement in Mexico was continuously repressed during its course by the Mexican government, and in order to end it, on October 2, 1968, it perpetrated the "massaration in the Plaza de las Tres Culturas in Tlatelolco", managing to dissolve the movement in December of that year. The act was committed jointly as part of Operation Galeana by the paramilitary group called the Olympia Battalion, the Federal Security Directorate (DFS), the so-called Secret Police at the time, and the Mexican Army, against a demonstration called by the CNH. According to what he himself said in 1969 and by Luis Echeverría Álvarez, Gustavo Díaz Ordaz was responsible for the massacre. Months after the event, the CIA (United States Central Intelligence Agency) discovered that they were deceived by the government of Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, seeing no relationship between "the student revolt and international communism" that they had declared.

The CIA declared to have been deceived by PRI about the facts of the Tlatelolco Massacre.

Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, president of Mexico of December 1, 1964-30 of November 1970, who ordered the systematic repression of the 1968 Movement in Mexico that caused the later call "Masacre de Tlatelolco".

The party system and the affirmation of political plurality were not definitively established until the electoral reform of 1977. From then on, it was a question of channeling political resistance through a pseudo legality, and the parties were recognized in the Constitution as entities of public interest. The measure took place when the opposition strangely came into conflict by presenting a candidate contrary to the candidate nominated for the presidential election by the PRI in 1976, presenting a serious risk to its legitimacy. This electoral reform was approved precisely when the shift towards right-wing dictatorships was in full swing in the south of the continent, with its dramatic balances of repression and violation of human rights, similar to those that occurred in Mexico in the previous decade. In a framework that called for authoritarianism in Latin America. Mexico simulated a timid opening to a possible democratic plurality that, however, in practice, never occurred, marked by electoral fraud and social discontent that did not quench as a result of massive immigration to Mexico City.

The political discourse of the PRI spoke of advancing towards a plural and competitive democracy, through reforms in the electoral system; Fundamentally, around the rules for the organization of voting, the characteristics of the institution in charge of it, the system for the qualification of the elections and the regulation of the parties as entities of public interest, with a legally strengthened institutional life.

In 1982, a massive devaluation of the Mexican currency occurred, causing a severe crisis and a risk of default on the enormous national debt. Unemployment, inflation, and corruption detected after this event undermined not only the PRI's efforts to show itself to be democratic, but also its prestige at an international level. The winning candidate in the elections, Miguel de la Madrid, had the intense task of correcting the errors and mistakes of his predecessor, the sadly remembered President of Mexico José López Portillo, who even went so far as to affirm that he would defend the national currency "like a dog& #3. 4;. Faced with his eventual depreciation, people simply called him the dog and he left the presidency amid a scandal of epic proportions.

The 1985 earthquake shocked the country and interpersonal solidarity networks were created while the government appeared to be inoperative. It was in this climate that the 1988 federal elections were held, plagued by irregularities and where there was widespread discontent both on the democratic left and on the right outside the PRI.

Carlos Salinas de Gortari, president of Mexico between 1988 and 1994.

Faced with the electoral crisis of 1988, the PRI initiated an agenda of changes that would have an impact on the economic and political structure of the country. In 1989 began a positive cycle of electoral reforms towards political competition that culminated in 1996; This cycle implied the creation of institutions and procedures that professionalized and granted autonomy to the organization of the elections, with a jurisdictional body for electoral qualification, and managed to build bases of equity between the political parties in the competition for public power. There were no episodes of massive repression in these, and the violent massacres were limited to rural areas, among them it is worth mentioning the Aguas Blancas Massacre (1995) and the Acteal massacre (1997), which especially affected non-conforming indigenous people. During this period after the controversial 1988 elections, the PRI remained in government and there was no serious evidence that its hegemony was threatened in any region of the country. At that time, although there was political stability, there was also occasional repression, instability and fractures, still close to the confrontations typical of the caudillismo of the revolutionary stage and with great influence or dependence on those who commanded the armed forces.

It is true that the authoritarian and repressive regime of the 50s, 60s and 70s gave way to a regime that tolerated partisan diversity and the situation progressively improved from 1988 to the alternation in government in 2000. Although the mistakes and mistakes of those who exercised public responsibilities have been subject to review in terms of the laws, and some people have responded for it, no high-level politician was tried or held responsible for the various crimes of states witnessed in the second half of the century XX.

Alternation and role in the opposition (2000-2012)

Luis Donaldo Colosio, Monument to Luis Donaldo Colosio in his native Magdalena De Kino - Sonora.

The PRI (together with its direct predecessors PNR and PRM) managed to retain for itself the government of Mexico from the government of Plutarco Elías Calles, controlling the Congress of the Union, the Presidency of the Republic and even the Judiciary. This system, where there was no effective separation of powers, remained in power based on corporatism that brought together labor movements, organized by Fidel Velázquez Sánchez, Vicente Lombardo Toledano, Luis N. Morones, among other union leaders, as well as peasant organizations and popular, whose leaders belonged to the PRI itself.

In its early stages the PRI (more precisely the PNR and the PRM) showed a nationalist ideology, reflected in the expropriation of oil, the formation of a national electricity industry and the expansion of state companies. The creation of Health and Food systems.

In the states of the union, the PRI managed to retain power in the same way that it had done at the federal level. But due to its long stay in power, the media was strictly controlled as in other countries--only a tiny fraction of the national media were in the public domain, the Party exercised power through a secret police called the Federal Security Directorate (DFS).) and which existed until 1989, when it was refounded under the name of Center for Investigation and National Security (CISEN).

The alternation of 2000 occurred with the need for special agreements to overcome resistance and to enable the transfer of power from one party to another; It also lost sympathy due to the scandal called Pemexgate, in which it was evident the diversion of funds, through the oil union, towards the presidential campaign of Francisco Labastida Ochoa, candidate for the Institutional Revolutionary Party in the year 2000.

Federal Elections 2018

José Antonio Meade Kuribreña, PRI candidate for the presidency of Mexico in 2018.

The PRI modified its statutes in the XXII Assembly to allow the nomination of a citizen without militancy as its candidate for the presidency, "as long as the prestige and fame of the chosen citizen put the party in a competitive condition to win." Likewise, it was stipulated that such a person should commit to the Declaration of Principles and the Program of Action of the party. However, the proposal that the candidate be selected through an open consultation with the militants was rejected. In 2017, the "national convention of delegates" was chosen as the method of choosing the presidential candidate. In this sense, on November 23, the PRI launched the call for the selection of the candidate. The registration of interested parties will take place on December 3 and the delegates convention will take place on February 18, 2018.

Diverse characters expressed their intentions to obtain the PRI candidacy for these elections. As early as March 28, 2016, Ivonne Ortega Pacheco, governor of Yucatán between 2007 and 2012, announced that she wanted to "be on the ballot" for 2018. She was joined by multiple members of Enrique Peña Nieto's cabinet, such as the Secretary of the Interior, Miguel Ángel Osorio Chong, Secretary of Education, Aurelio Nuño Mayer, Secretary of Finance, José Antonio Meade Kuribreña, Secretary of Tourism, Enrique de la Madrid Cordero, Secretary of Health, José Narro Robles, and the Secretary of Foreign Relations, Luis Videgaray Caso. Other potential candidates included Manlio Fabio Beltrones, former governor of Sonora between 1991 and 1997 and former president of the PRI, and Eruviel Ávila Villegas, former governor of the State of Mexico between 2011 and 2017.

Although Meade initially ruled out that the statutory changes were a "tailor-made suit" to favor him, since August 2017 he was considered "the covert" of the PRI. The following November, it was considered that Videgaray "uncovered" Meade during a speech before the Mexican diplomatic corps, in which he compared him to Plutarco Elías Calles, for occupying four secretariats in two governments. Shortly after, Videgaray denied having uncovered Meade. For his part, Peña Nieto assured in this regard: "Everyone is very confused, the PRI does not choose its candidates by applause." However, on November 27, Meade resigned. in charge and announced his intentions to seek the PRI candidacy.

After gathering the support of the three sectors and four organizations that make up the party, the PRI approved that he could register as a candidate. The announcement was criticized by the opposition and described as a "finger". as a candidate on December 3. Shortly after, on December 6, the Secretary of Education, Aurelio Nuño Mayer, resigned to coordinate the PRI presidential campaign.

In the 2018 federal and local electoral processes in Mexico, the PRI obtained the worst electoral result in its history, its candidate for the presidency of the republic for the All for Mexico coalition obtained the lowest percentage of votes than Up to now, a PRI presidential candidate has obtained, also as a presidential candidate, he did not win a single one of the 300 federal electoral districts that exist in the country, nor in any of the 32 federal entities, remaining in third place in the election at the national level. Regarding the legislative election, the PRI would obtain the lowest number of members in both chambers of Congress (senators and representatives) in its history. In the local elections, he failed to win a single one of the 9 states that renewed governorships (losing the states he governed: Yucatán and Jalisco).

The PRI could only win 15 of the 300 federal electoral districts for the election of federal deputies (where it will be the fifth force), and only one formula of the 32 federal entities for the election of senators (Yucatán), the worst debacle in its history in this field, even compared to 2006 (when it also came in third place in the presidential election). At the local level, in historical strongholds, such as the State of Mexico, the PRI went to third place in mayoralties, losing the most important municipalities and the majority in the local congress, the PRI also lost the vast majority of the local congresses in dispute in 29 states of the country, and in the states of Tlaxcala and Hidalgo it did not win a single local electoral district.

Fissures in the PRI and the origin of other parties

During the first four decades of governments emanating from the National Revolutionary, Mexican Revolution and Institutional Revolutionary Parties, the country achieved high rates of economic growth. Political and economic stability was the origin of the term Mexican miracle. For these reasons and due to weak opposition, the PRI's dominance was almost absolute both at the federal level and at the state and municipal levels throughout the country.

Different analysts, however, consider that the PRI's almost total dominance was due to its ability to control both legislation and the organization and electoral processes. In the 1960s, the PRI lost municipal elections, in state capitals in the north of the Republic, which began a long cycle of electoral reforms beginning in 1963 with the creation of "party deputies&#34.; and concluded in 1997.

However, it was not until 1989 when he was defeated in the Baja California state gubernatorial election, when Ernesto Ruffo Appel, of the National Action Party, was victorious. In 1988 he suffered the first electoral threat, it would be at the federal level, by the National Democratic Front, an alliance made up of left-wing leaders and former members of the PRI, including Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, Porfirio Muñoz Ledo and Ifigenia Martínez, who over the years would form the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD).

The need to have better cadres within the public administration to issue more rational public policies and manage it more professionally, attracted a new crop of public officials, most of them with postgraduate studies, who displaced the previous generation, formed in the patronage practices that had characterized the party.

Shortcomings of the PRI

Towards the third part of the 20th century, the party's power was diminishing as a result of episodes such as the Tlatelolco Massacre, perpetrated on October 2, 1968 by order of the Mexican government in the Plaza de las Tres Culturas. Its reputation as the dominant party suffered as a result of the economic crises that Mexico suffered from the government of Luis Echeverría Álvarez, followed by the governments of José López Portillo, Miguel de la Madrid Hurtado and Carlos Salinas de Gortari, which generated strong devaluations, unemployment and expansion of poverty in general.

In the 1988 federal elections, a unified left competed for the first time, represented by Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, son of former president Lázaro Cárdenas del Río. And on the other hand, the PAN, the conservative opposition, competed with Manuel Clouthier as standard bearer. The PRI candidate was Carlos Salinas de Gortari, who was victorious due to electoral fraud, as was recently admitted by various party leaders.

The legitimacy of the victory of Carlos Salinas in the elections of July 6, 1988 has been highly questioned, due to a system crash during the vote counting process, announced by the then Secretary of the Interior Manuel Bartlett Díaz.

Scandal in Zacatecas

Some of the federal candidates from the state of Zacatecas expressed their indignation at the INE, since they accused Miguel Alonso Reyes (governor) and Rosario Robles (SEDESOL secretary) of "vote buying" through social programs, such as the temporary employment program. In addition to the fact that the PRI candidate Benjamín Medrano Quesada had a 0.36% advantage over his opponent Saúl Monreal, but 28 boxes were not counted.

The PRI as an opposition party

Political transition of the year 2000

On July 2, 2000, the PRI represented by Francisco Labastida Ochoa would lose its first election for president since 1929, being won by the Alliance for Change (PAN-PVEM) acceding to the presidency of the republic Vicente Fox Quesada.

The immediate recognition and subsequent handover of power by the government headed by Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León to the opposition candidate is a milestone in the political history of Mexico, since for the first time the presidency of the country is transferred to a opposition candidate without violence.^{[citation required]}

The crisis of 2006

Six years later, the candidate for the presidential election was the Tabasco politician Roberto Madrazo Pintado; In the election of July 2, 2006, the PRI suffered its most serious political crisis when it lost the Presidency of the Republic for the second consecutive time, remaining in third place in the electoral preference with 9.3 million votes. Candidate Roberto Madrazo Pintado was not able to win in any state in the country despite having governors in 17 states. The PRI won 5 states in the senatorial elections and 65 of 300 electoral districts.

The strongest conflict that marked the defeat of Roberto Madrazo was with the leader of the SNTE, Professor Elba Esther Gordillo, who, being General Secretary of the CEN of the PRI, led to the creation of the New Alliance Party, like the TUCOM formed at that time. then by the coordinator of the PRI senators, Enrique Jackson; the governor of the State of Mexico, Arturo Montiel; the governor of Tamaulipas, Tomás Yarrington; the governor of Nuevo León, José Natividad González Parás, and the governor of Coahuila, Enrique Martínez y Martínez.

After 2006

Beatriz Paredes Rangel, President of the 2007-2011 PRI and candidate for Head of Government for Mexico City in 2006 and 2012

After the great defeats it suffered in the 2006 elections, the PRI was able to recover electorally in 2007 through the elections of some states of the Republic: Tabasco (where it maintained the governorship), Yucatán (where it recovered the government), Chihuahua, Oaxaca, Durango, Aguascalientes and Veracruz. By winning these governorships, he managed to raise 48 percent of the electoral preferences at the national level above the PAN and the PRD.

By 2009, the PRI had 20 state governments, 60 percent of the country's population, and a majority in 20 of the 32 local congresses. In the same way, he obtained control of the Chamber of Deputies of the Union Congress.

On July 5, 2009, the PRI gave a sample of its electoral recovery from its previous defeat in 2006. In said federal elections, the PRI managed to be close to an absolute majority in the Chamber of Deputies, winning 237 seats (184 by electoral districts and 53 by multinominal route) and obtain total or partial victories in entities such as the state of Mexico, Coahuila, Oaxaca, Tamaulipas, Campeche, Quintana Roo, Tabasco, Jalisco and Yucatán. In addition, in the gubernatorial elections (which were held that night in 6 states) the PRI won 5, maintained those of Colima, Campeche and Nuevo León, won those of Querétaro and San Luis Potosí, until then PAN members, but lost Sonora's., won by the PAN.

In 2010 the PRI continued to show signs of its electoral recovery, winning 9 of the 12 contested gubernatorial elections, and losing 3 governorships that year. In 2011, the PRI continued to gain positions that it had lost in recent years: at the beginning of that year it lost the gubernatorial elections in Guerrero and Baja California Sur, won by the PRD and the PAN, respectively, and in the rest of the year it won the governorships of the state of Mexico, Coahuila and Nayarit, and recovered the state of Michoacán.

Presidents of the PRI

PRI National Assemblies

Election results

Presidency of the Republic

Election	Candidate		Voting	Percentage	Position	Commentary
1929		Pascual Ortiz Rubio	1 974 848	93.6 %	1.o	Extraordinary choice. Under the name of the Revolutionary National Party. The National Anti-Reelection Party accuses of electoral fraud.
1934		Lazaro Cárdenas del Río	225 000	98.1 %	1.o
1940		Manuel Ávila Camacho	2 476 641	93.3 %	1.o	Under the name Mexican Revolution Party. The Revolutionary National Unification Party accuses electoral fraud.
1946		Miguel Alemán Valdés	1 786 901	77.9 %	1.o
1952		Adolfo Ruiz Cortines	2 713 745	74.32 %	1.o	The Mexican Constitutional Party Accuses electoral fraud.
1958		Adolfo López Mateos	6 767 754	89.81 %	1.o
1964		Gustavo Díaz Ordaz	8 262 393	87.69 %	1
1970		Luis Echeverría Álvarez	11 904 368	84.79 %	1
1976		José López Portillo	16 424 021	91.9 %	1
1982		Miguel de la Madrid Hurtado	16 748 006	70.99 %	1
1988		Carlos Salinas de Gortari	9 687 926	50.70 %	1	The National Action Party and the National Democratic Front accusing electoral fraud
1994		Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León	17 181 651	48.63 %	1	Ernesto Zedillo replaces the candidature of Luis Donaldo Colosio, killed during the campaign.
2000		Francisco Labastida Ochoa	13 579 718	36.11 %	2.
2006		Roberto Madrazo Pintado	9 301 441	22.26 %	3.o	The Coalition for the Good of All accuses electoral fraud.
2012		Enrique Peña Nieto	19 226 784	38.21 %	1	The Coalition Progressive Movement accuses electoral fraud.
2018		José Antonio Meade Kuribreña	9 289 853	16.40 %	3.o

Senate of the Republic

Election	Legislatures	District		RP		Scalls	Position	Presidency
		votes	%	votes	%
1940	XXXVIII and XXXIX					58/58	Majority	Manuel Ávila Camacho
1946	XL and XLI					58/58	Majority	Miguel Alemán Valdés
1952	XLII and XLIII					60/60	Majority	Adolfo Ruiz Cortines
1958	XLIV and XLV					60/60	Majority	Adolfo López Mateos
1964	XLVI and XLVII			7 837 364	87.8	64/64	Majority	Gustavo Díaz Ordaz
1970	XLVIII and XLIX			11 154 003	84.4	64/64	Majority	Luis Echeverría Álvarez
1976	L and LI			13 406 825	87.5	62/64	Majority	José López Portillo
1982	LII and LIII			14 574 114	65.0	63/64	Majority	Miguel de la Madrid
1988	LIV and LV			9 263 810	50.8	60/64	Majority	Carlos Salinas de Gortari
1994	LVI and LVII			17 195 536	50.2	95/128	Majority	Ernesto Zedillo
1997	LVII			11 266 155	38.5	77/128	Majority	Ernesto Zedillo
2000	LVIII and LIX	13 699 799	36.7	13 755 787	36.7	51/128	Minority	Vicente Fox
2006	LX and LXI	11 622 012	28.1	11 681 395	28.0	39/128	Minority	Felipe Calderón
2012	LXII and LXIII	18 477 441	37.0	18 560 755	36.9	61/128	Minority	Enrique Peña Nieto
2018	LXIV and LXV			6 965 765	15.78	14/128	Minority	Andrés Manuel López Obrador

Chamber of Deputies

Election	Legislature	District		RP		Scalls	Position	Presidency
		votes	%	votes	%
1940	XXXVIII					172/173	Majority	Manuel Ávila Camacho
1943	XXXIX	376 000	92.1			147/147	Majority	Manuel Ávila Camacho
1946	XL	1 687 284	73.5			141/147	Majority	Miguel Alemán Valdés
1949	XLI	2 031 783	93.9			142/149	Majority	Miguel Alemán Valdés
1952	XLII	2 713 419	74.3			151/161	Majority	Adolfo Ruiz Cortines
1955	XLIII	562 761	89.9			153/162	Majority	Adolfo Ruiz Cortines
1958	XLIV	6 467 493	88.2			153/162	Majority	Adolfo López Mateos
1961	XLV	6 178 434	90.3			172/178	Majority	Adolfo López Mateos
1964	XLVI	7 807 912	86.3			175/210	Majority	Gustavo Díaz Ordaz
1967	XLVII	8 342 114	83.9			177/212	Majority	Gustavo Díaz Ordaz
1970	XLVIII	11 125 770	83.3			175/210	Majority	Luis Echeverría Álvarez
1973	XLIX	10 458 618	77.4			189/231	Majority	Luis Echeverría Álvarez
1976	L	12 868 104	85.0			195/237	Majority	José López Portillo
1979	LI	8 714 151	74.1	9 418 178	72.8	296/400	Majority	José López Portillo
1982	LII	14 501 988	69.4	14 289 793	65.7	299/400	Majority	Miguel de la Madrid
1985	LIII	11 588 230	68.0	10 981 938	63.0	292/400	Majority	Miguel de la Madrid
1988	LIV	9 276 934	51.0	9 276 934	51.0	260/500	Majority	Carlos Salinas de Gortari
1991	LV	14 051 349	61.4	14 145 234	61.4	320/500	Majority	Carlos Salinas de Gortari
1994	LVI	16 851 082	50.2	17 236 836	50.3	300/500	Majority	Ernesto Zedillo
1997	LVII	11 305 957	39.1	11 438 719	39.1	239/500	Minority	Ernesto Zedillo
2000	LVIII	13 720 453	36.9	13 800 306	36.9	207/500	Minority	Vicente Fox
2003	LIX	6 166 358	23.9	6 196 171	24.0	224/500	Minority	Vicente Fox
2006	LX	11 629 727	28.0	11 689 110	27.9	121/500	Minority	Felipe Calderón
2009	LXI	12 765 938	36.9	12 809 365	36.9	241/500	Minority	Felipe Calderón
2012	LXII	15 166 531	31.0	15 513 478	31.8	212/500	Minority	Enrique Peña Nieto
2015	LXIII	11 604 665	34.2	11 638 556	29.2	203/500	Minority	Enrique Peña Nieto
2018	LXIV			9 310 523	16.5	47/500	Minority	Andrés Manuel López Obrador
2021	LXV			8 715 899	17.73	70/500	Minority	Andrés Manuel López Obrador

Governorships

Note: «governance» is only considered from, in some cases, obtaining the status of free and sovereign state.