History of Honduras
The history of Honduras, a country located in the center of Central America, dates back some 14,000 years (according to the Clovis consensus), when it is estimated that the first settlements of sedentary settlers occurred in the country. The fact of having the only report of dinosaur fossils from Central America stands out in the geological history of Honduras. Before the conquest by the Spanish in the 16th century, what is now Honduras was inhabited by peoples of cultures that interacted with each other to varying degrees, over time and territory. Mesoamerican cultural influences stand out from that time, more specifically the Olmec, Toltec and Mayan cultures. In addition to various peoples related to groups of Caribbean influence such as the Pech, Tolupan, and Tawakhas.
Honduras was a province of the Captaincy General of Guatemala, which in turn was within the Viceroyalty of New Spain. On September 15, 1821, the Central American Independence Act was signed; Regarding Mexico, which was proclaimed in 1823, it was in 1838 when Honduras became independent from Central America and the definitive integration process began that gave rise to contemporary Honduras.
Pre-Hispanic Honduras
Before the Spanish Conquest, Honduras was inhabited by peoples of diverse cultures, traditionally they have been classified into two different cultural types: The Mayan and Toltec cultures. However, pre-Columbian Honduras was ethnically and linguistically much more diverse than this distinction suggests.
In addition to various groups of Mayans, which were related to the Mayans of Yucatan and Guatemala. There were Chorotegas, Tolupanes, Lencas, Misumalpas and possibly Xincas. The Maya spread through the Motagua River valley, centering their control in the main ceremonial center of Copán, near the present-day city of Santa Rosa de Copán. For three and a half centuries, the Maya developed the city, turning it into one of the main centers of their culture. Causes still discussed, led to the abandonment and destruction of Copán and other Mayan cities, which at the time of the Spanish conquest were already they were nothing more than ruins.
These cultures achieved great progress in the various fields of human knowledge, driven by the development of a variety of agriculture (beans, cocoa, chili, etc.) and had large irrigation systems. In this way they guaranteed adequate food for their numerous populations. They also applied techniques of great perfection in fabrics and ceramics. They developed an intense and varied trade. They reached a high scientific development in mathematics and astronomy; in addition to architecture and sculpture, which they used in the construction of large cities.
In the northwestern region of Honduras, peoples with Toltec influences predominated, such as the Nahuas, who lived in the valley of Naco and Trujillo; the Chortís, a Mayan group located in Cortés, Copán and Ocotepeque, and the Lencas, who spread throughout the departments of Santa Bárbara, Lempira, Intibucá, La Paz, Comayagua, Francisco Morazán and Valle and part of what is now the territory of El Salvador..
The rest of the Honduran territory was inhabited by peoples from the south of the continent, with a nomadic and semi-nomadic culture, governed by primitive communal production relations. Among these peoples were Xicaques, Pechs Tawahkas, and Miskitos who, together, made up the majority of the country's population. It was not until after the second half of 1700 that other ethnic groups were formed along the coastal zone of the Caribbean coast: the Garífunas and the English-speaking blacks.
The largest population was made up of the Lencas who, at the time of the arrival of the Spanish, were the most widespread and organized of the groups in the country...they lived in towns of considerable size, with an average of 350 houses and much more than 500 inhabitants. Although there are scientific controversies about the descent and origin of the Lencas, according to Rodolfo Barón Castro, they are the direct heirs of the Mayas, who did not follow the exodus that ended the Old Empire. When the Spanish arrived, they were established in the territory that today includes the Republics of El Salvador and Honduras."
The Mayan area includes what are today the countries of Honduras, Guatemala, El Salvador and Mexico. The Maya flourished in these countries in the first fifteen centuries of the Christian era.
Causes unknown until today, led to the abandonment and destruction of Copán and other Mayan cities, which at the time of the Spanish conquest were no more than ruins. Hunger, pests, internal wars have been proposed as the causes of abandonment.
Structure IV of the Naranjos Park, considered the oldest structures still standing in Honduras.
Maya vessel of the Classical period, found in the Ulúa.
Copan ball game.
Urna Lenca of the classic period at the National Archaeology Museum of Comayagua.
Main structure of the archaeological park el Puente.
Conquest
Spanish contacts with the indigenous population of Honduras began with the last voyage of Christopher Columbus, who, already 66 years old, left Cádiz on May 9, 1502, with three caravels and 150 men, taking at his side his brother Bartolomé and his 13-year-old son Fernando from his second marriage. On May 20 he touched the Canaries; he reconnoitered the island of Martinique on June 15, landed on Dominica; toured the southern coast of Puerto Rico; He passed through the south of Hispaniola, but did not land there because Nicolás de Ovando denied him entry into the port and he left for Jamaica along its southern coast. He immediately explored the coasts of Darien and arrived at the island of Guanaja which he called Isla de los Pinos off the coast of Honduras.
From there he continued to Punta Caxinas (Cape of Honduras), Columbus sailed beyond the Bay Islands and shortly after continued to Punta Caxinas (Cape of Honduras), landed in Trujillo and took possession of Honduras on behalf of the sovereigns of Spain, descending later towards the south, recognized the entire coast of Central America and Colombia up to the Gulf of San Blas. He discovered the regions of the Mosquitia, Nicaragua and Costa Rica. Since its discovery, the territory of Honduras remained intact until March 1524, when Gil González Dávila became the first Spaniard to arrive in Honduras for purposes of conquest. Later they did, Cristóbal de Olid, Francisco de las Casas, Hernán Cortés and Pedro de Alvarado.
Etymology
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According to the Chilean historian Robustiano Vera (1899), Honduras owes its name to the honduras or fondos, which the first pilots found on its coasts and because when they abandoned them they exclaimed: God deliver us from these Honduras!" During the time of the conquest, the Honduran territory was also known by the names of Hibueras or Higüeras, and some Spaniards came to call it &# 39;New Extremadura'.
In 1858, the American archaeologist, Ephraim George Squier in his book "The States of Central America" it relates that Hernán Cortés, inspired by the news received about the existence of the vast and populated kingdoms to the south of Moctezuma's empire... undertook an expedition to Honduras, which at that time was called Hibueras or Higueras.
On the other hand, the French geographer Elisée Reclus in 1891, asserted that the name of Honduras dates from the times of discovery. According to Reclus, Columbus ran great risks in 1502 when he sailed between the Caxinas and Gracias a Dios capes. However, the Frenchman asserts that "the present name of Honduras was given to the coast not by Columbus, but by Bartolomé de las Casas, who in his discovery of the West Indies by the Spaniards, speaks of the land of & #34;Hondure", as if that name was of Indian origin".
According to Reclus, "twenty years later, in the famous expedition made by Hernán Cortés, through Yucatán, the Honduran territory was known by the Spanish as Hibueras or Higueras, and also it had been called "Nueva Extremadura".
Conquest
Since its discovery, the territory of Honduras remained intact, until March 1524, when Gil González Dávila became the first Spaniard to arrive in Honduras for the purpose of conquest. He founded the town of San Gil de Buena Vista and entered in Honduran territory pacifying the aborigines, fighting against the Spanish who disputed the territory, as well as; hoping to find the outlet of Lake Nicaragua, then Hernán Cortés, moved by the reports he had received about the great wealth of the country, sent two expeditions; one by land and one by sea. He commissioned the first to Pedro de Alvarado and the second to Cristóbal de Olid. But the latter betrayed him. For this reason, Cortés left Mexico at the head of an expedition that lasted nearly two years and ended, after thousands of dangers and privations, in Trujillo.
Upon arriving in Honduras, Cortés introduced cattle and founded the city of Natividad de Nuestra Señora, near Puerto Caballos. On April 25, 1526, before returning to Mexico, Cortés appointed Hernando de Saavedra governor of Honduras and left instructions to treat the indigenous people well. On October 26, 1526, Diego López de Salcedo was appointed by the emperor as Governor of Honduras, replacing Saavedra. The following decade was marked by personal ambitions of rulers and conquerors interfering with the governmental organization. The Spanish colonists rebelled against their leaders, and the Indians rebelled against their bosses, and against their mistreatment.
Salcedo, seeking to enrich himself, had serious confrontations with Pedrarias, governor of Castilla del Oro, who, for his part, wanted Honduras as part of his domain. In 1528 Pedrarias arrested Salcedo and forced him to cede part of the Honduran territory, but the emperor rejected the agreement. After Salcedo's death in 1530, the colonists became arbiters of power. They put and took out governors. Faced with this situation, the settlers asked Pedro de Alvarado to put an end to the anarchy. With the arrival of Alvarado in 1536, the chaos abated, and the region came under authority.
In 1537, Francisco de Montejo was appointed governor. Upon arriving in Honduras, he annulled the land distributions made by Alvarado. His captain, Alonso de Cáceres, was responsible for putting down the Indian revolt of 1537 and 1538, led by the cacique Lempira. In 1539 Montejo and Alvarado had serious disagreements over the region which caught the attention of the Council of the Indies. Montejo went to Chiapas, and Alvarado became governor of Honduras.
Colonial period
Start of economic activity
The defeat of Lempira, the establishment of the bishopric, first in Trujillo and later in Comayagua, as well as the end of the fighting between the rival Spanish factions, contributed to the colonization and increased economic activity of Honduras, in the 1540s. A variety of agricultural activities developed in the country, including cattle raising and, for a time, the collection of large quantities of sarsaparilla. But the most important economic activity in 16th century Honduras was the export of gold and silver.
Mining activity gave Gracias such importance that in 1543 it became the capital of the Audiencia de los Confines, created by Carlos I and which covered all of Central America. This decision created resentment in the most populated centers of Guatemala and El Salvador.
In 1549, the capital of the Audiencia was transferred to Antigua, Guatemala and thus Honduras was governed by this Audiencia until 1552 and then came under the General Captaincy of Guatemala.
In 1540 gold and silver were discovered in the Guayape River valley. This contributed to the decline of Gracias and the rise of Comayagua as the main center of Honduras. The demand for labor increased, and this accelerated the decimation of the native population. As a result of this, slaves from Africa were introduced into the country. Other gold deposits were found near San Pedro Sula and the port of Trujillo.
Mining production began to decline in 1560, and with it the importance of Honduras. In early 1569, new discoveries of silver briefly revived the economy, leading to the founding of Tegucigalpa, which soon began to rival Comayagua as the most important city in the province. The silver boom peaked in 1584, and economic depression returned soon after. Mining efforts in Honduras were hampered by a lack of capital, labor, and difficult terrain. Mercury, vital for the production of silver, was in short supply, in addition to the negligence of officials. Because it has a Pacific coast, ships and ports were built for the trade of the Manila Galleon with the Philippines and Mexico, and it was traded in Honduras.
Defense of Honduras
One of the big problems for the Spanish rulers of Honduras was the activity of the English in northern Honduras. These activities began in the 16th century and continued until the 19th century. In the early years, European pirates frequently attacked the Honduran Caribbean towns. In 1643 an English expedition destroyed the city of Trujillo, the main port of Honduras. In addition, the English made enormous efforts to implant colonies starting in the 17th century in the Bay Islands and northern Honduras with the help of the Sambos and the Miskitos who attacked the Spanish settlements.
In the early 18th century, the Bourbon dynasty, linked to the rulers of France, replaced the Habsburgs on the throne of Spain. The new dynasty began a series of empire-wide reforms designed to make administration more efficient and profitable, and to make it easier to defend the colonies. Among these reforms was a reduction in the tax on precious minerals and in the cost of mercury, which was a royal monopoly. In Honduras, these reforms contributed to the revival of the mining industry in the 1730s. Under the Bourbons, the Spanish government made several efforts to regain control over the Caribbean coast.
In 1752, the fort of San Fernando de Omoa was built. In 1780, the Spanish returned to Trujillo, which began to develop as a base of operations against British settlements to the east. During the 1780s, the Spanish regained control over the Bay Islands and drove most of the British and their allies out of the Río Negro area. The Anglo-Spanish Convention of 1786 dictated the definitive recognition of Spanish sovereignty over the Caribbean coast.
Independence
The collapse of Spanish rule
The independence of Honduras revolved around the events in the other Central American provinces and mainly the events in Spain and Mexico.
During the 19th century, Spanish rule declined. Although Spain was an ally of France during the Napoleonic Wars, in 1808 Napoleon Bonaparte forced Ferdinand VII, King of Spain, to abdicate. In his place he put Joseph I Bonaparte on the Spanish throne.
The Spanish rebelled against the invader, refusing to recognize José I as their new monarch. This led them to convene a national constituent assembly in which the Constitution of Cádiz was promulgated in 1812.
In this constitution, universal suffrage, national sovereignty, separation of powers, freedom of the press, agreement on the distribution of land and freedom of industry, among other things, were established. The problems in Spain and the new guarantees of freedoms proposed in the constitution of Cádiz affected Central America and all of Latin America, giving rise to a series of uprisings against the Spanish.
In El Salvador (1811), the priests, Matías Delgado and Nicolás Aguilar, his two brothers, as well as Juan Manuel Rodríguez and Manuel José Arce y Fagoaga were the first promoters of independence in Central America, setting off a conspiracy against the mayor of the province, Antonio Gutiérrez Ulloa. However, this revolutionary movement, seconded shortly after in Nicaragua, did not have any success.
In Guatemala (1813) several distinguished patriots, including Juan Francisco Barrundia, held meetings in the Belén building, with the purpose of obtaining independence from Spain. But these meetings were discovered by the spies of the captain general of Guatemala, José Bustamante. A process was launched that put several of the conspirators in prison, others went into hiding and some emigrated abroad. Since this conspiracy, no transcendental events regarding independence have occurred in Central America.
Meanwhile in Honduras, resentment against the rule of the exiled king, Ferdinand VII, had grown rapidly. Due to the increase in taxes for Spain's fight against the French, which endangered the cattle industry. In addition, the Spanish authorities resorted to perpetuity in power to stifle the cause of independence. Since this conspiracy, no transcendental events regarding independence have occurred in Central America.
The Proclamation
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In 1818, the implacable José Bustamante y Guerra, who had successfully suppressed the independence cause, left power and was replaced by Carlos Urrutia. According to the writer Ramón Rosa, during the Urrutia government the independentistas "gained ground," but their push was more vigorous in 1820, when the King of Spain, Ferdinand VII, was forced to reestablish the 1812 constitution that he himself had failed.
As a result of this, freedom of the press was declared in Central America. Dr. Pedro Molina Mazariegos of a radical tendency founded "El Editor Constitucional" through which he promoted independence. On March 9, 1821, the sub-inspector of the army, Gabino Gaínza, came to power, an elderly man with a very weak character.
Meanwhile, in Mexico, the revolution achieved a complete triumph and through the Plan of Iguala declared its total independence from Spain on February 24, 1821. This disconcerting event for the Spanish authorities served as a stimulus for the Central American independence fighters.
The pressure exerted by these forced the provincial council to ask Gaínza for a meeting to discuss the difficult issue of independence. Gabino Gaínza then, responding to this call, assembled a board of notables made up of the archbishop, deputies, military chiefs, the prelates of the religious orders, and employees of the treasury. In that memorable meeting chaired by Gainza himself, those present freely expressed their opinion.
Senor José Cecilio del Valle took the floor and in a long speech demonstrated the necessity and justice of independence, but stating that, to proclaim it, the vote of the Provinces must first be heard. However, the people who attended such an important act called out for independence, and it was proclaimed on September 15, 1821. José Cecilio del Valle wrote that memorable document, likewise he also wrote the Manifesto published by Captain General Gainza about the great event of independence.
Once Honduras declared itself independent from the other Central American nations, the organization of the new Honduran state began. However, this organization was hampered by rivalries between Liberals and Conservatives, which produced political chaos and retarded the country's development. The country's political turmoil attracted the ambitions of individuals and Central American and European nations. Throughout the rest of the century, Honduras's neighbors constantly interfered in its internal politics. After many inconveniences, it fell to the administration of Dr. Marco Aurelio Soto to organize the country, implementing modern codes in civil, criminal, procedural, commercial, and agricultural matters with the purpose of modernizing Honduras and putting an end to the archaic colonial legislation.
Annexation to Mexico
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The joy of Central American independence was short-lived. On November 28, 1821, Agustín de Iturbide proposed annexation to Mexico to Gabino Gaínza, arguing that Central America lacked the necessary elements to ensure its autonomy, to get rid of the foreign threat, and to establish itself as a nation. He proposed to the Central Americans to form a great empire with Mexico, under the Plan of Iguala and the treaties of Córdoba.
In order to press for annexation, Iturbide announced the sending of Mexican troops to Central America. As a result of this situation, two alliances arose: The annexationists, composed mostly of illustrious families and members of the conservative party. The independentistas, made up of the liberals. In Honduras, there was a sharp division between Comayagua, for annexation, and Tegucigalpa, for independence.
Gabino Gainza, after receiving Iturbide's statement, immediately met the Advisory Board. At that meeting it was agreed to print a circular so that the town halls in open town halls could obtain the vote of the towns regarding the annexation in a very short period of time.
On January 5, the Advisory Board met again, in order to finally determine the issue of annexation. The counting of the votes received was carried out and it turned out that the vote of 68 municipalities was still missing. However, in the votes received there was no clear definition of the desire of each of the peoples. Statements ranged from accepting annexation, letting Congress decide, accepting annexation under conditions, or accepting the Advisory Board's decision.
Then the debate took place in which José Cecilio del Valle strongly opposed the annexation, arguing that even with all the existing inconveniences, Central America was a large nation, and that it had natural resources, and human material to get ahead. But his efforts were in vain, because the majority of the Advisory Board, led by Gabino Gaínza, and influenced by the conservatives, determined that Central America did not have sufficient elements to establish itself as an independent nation. They concluded that if the country wanted to enjoy the benefits of peace and freedom, it should join Iturbide's empire.
That was how they declared the annexation of the old Kingdom of Guatemala to Mexico. However, the annexation was short-lived. Republican ideas gained great momentum in Mexico, which led to the abdication of Emperor Iturbide in March 1823. José Cecilio del Valle, as a deputy to the Mexican congress representing Tegucigalpa and Chiquimula, demonstrated the illegality of the annexation of Central America to Mexico. In this way, the Mexican Congress declared on July 1, 1823, the freedom of Central America to establish itself as an independent state.
The Federal Republic
On July 1, 1823, after separating from Mexico, Central America was provisionally renamed the United Provinces of Central America, and was made up of the states of Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica.
The following year, the Central American Constituent Congress met in Guatemala City. This with the aim of deciding what would be the system of government through which the destinies of the young nation would be governed. Two different proposals were presented at the debate table; the liberals opted for a federalist government, similar to that of the United States where each state has its own government and laws. The Conservatives, on the other hand, favored a unitary government. Through which they wanted all states to submit to the same laws and a single government.
After debating the two proposals, the liberals, who were in the majority, asserted this advantage and won the right to adopt the 'federalist thesis,' and created the Federal Republic of Central America governed under the 1824 constitution.
Under this constitution, Manuel José Arce of the Liberal Party was elected president, promising to transform the Central American economy and society. Arce found great opposition from the conservatives, who, due to their social influence and enormous economic power, did not allow any type of advance in their government programs. Convinced of his limitations, Arce ended up abandoning his liberal programs and decided to ally with the conservatives.
In 1826, President Arce, who wanted to dissolve the federal congress, invaded the states of El Salvador and Honduras and provoked a civil war from which the liberal leader, Francisco Morazán, emerged. After several years of fighting, General Morazán defeated the federal forces of President Arce, and restored constitutional order.
Morazán, became constitutional president after winning the 1830 elections. The Morazán administration made some efforts to transform Central America into a large and powerful nation. But his success was limited, due to lack of funds and infighting. In the 1834 elections, José Cecilio del Valle defeated Morazán, but del Valle died before taking office, and the legislature appointed Morazán to a new term.
In 1837 with the support of the clergy, the conservatives began an indigenous revolution in Guatemala that culminated in the overthrow of the head of state, Mariano Gálvez. After this event, the Federal Republic of Central America was dissolved. Once Morazán's second term as president of the Republic ended, the Central American Congress declared in 1838 that the different states were free to establish their own governments..
Rise of the Honduran state (1838-1899)
First Constitution
For Honduras, the period of federation had been disastrous. Local rivalries and ideological disputes had produced political chaos and disrupted the economy. do it.
Honduras declared its independence from Central America on November 15, 1838. In January 1839, the country's first constitution was formally adopted. General Francisco Morazán became the first president (1841 - 42) of the country after he presented himself as the only candidate. This period was followed by a second period (1842-44). At the end of his term, he handed over command to Coronado Chávez (1845-47).
In 1852, Juan Lindo handed over power to liberal José Trinidad Cabañas (1852-55). Three years later, the Guatemalan government of Rafel Carrera invaded Honduras and ousted Cabañas, installing conservative leader José Santos Guardiola in his place.
Foreign intervention
The struggle between Central American liberals and conservatives was temporarily put to one side by the appearance of American filibuster William Walker in 1855. In 1856 Walker named himself president of Nicaragua. Faced with this situation, the armies of the Central American countries formed an alliance and forced the filibuster to leave Nicaragua in 1857, returning to the United States.
In 1859 the British agreed to a treaty that recognized Honduran sovereignty over 'La Mosquitia' and islands of the Bay. Some of the British settlers in the area objected to this transfer and asked William Walker for help. He thought he would be welcomed by the Honduran liberals, who were trying to overthrow President José Santos Guardiola.
In 1860, Walker landed on the shores of Honduras, but there he found little support from Hondurans and the British. Walker turned himself in to the British, who immediately handed him over to the Honduran authorities. A few days later (1860), Walker was shot in Trujillo. The return of the Bay Islands and the death of Walker ended the immediate threat to the territorial integrity of Central America and Honduras.
Liberal reform
For the rest of the century, Honduras was ruled by presidents imposed by Guatemala, El Salvador, and Nicaragua. General José María Medina served as president several times during that period, but a Guatemalan intervention in 1876 removed him and his supporters from power. In his place came Doctor Marco Aurelio Soto, who ruled with the support of President Justo Rufino Barrios. Soto implemented the Liberal Reform in Honduras, through which he developed the economy and turned the country into a modern society, one of the advances it was the creation of the first railway network in Honduras.
However, in 1883, Doctor Soto also fell out of favor with Barrios and was forced to resign. His successor, General Luis Bográn, survived in office until 1891 when General Ponciano Leiva (who ruled briefly three times from 1873-76) returned to power in rigged elections. Despite being a liberal, Leiva tried to rule as an absolute dictator. Leiva dissolved the Liberal Party of Honduras (PLH) and deported its leaders.
The result of this was a new round of conflict in which the reconstituted Liberal Party finally emerged victorious. The PLH was led by Policarpo Bonilla, with the support of Nicaragua's liberal dictator, José Santos Zelaya.
When Bonilla assumed power in 1894, he began to bring some degree of order to the scene of Honduran politics. Another constitution was promulgated in 1895, and Bonilla was elected to a four-year term. The Bonilla administration modernized civil codes, improved communications, and made an effort to resolve the long-running border dispute with Nicaragua. Bonilla also ensured that General Terencio Sierra would replace him at the end of his term in 1899.
20th century
The banana enclave
President Terencio Sierra was the first ruler of Honduras in the 20th century, after receiving the presidency from Policarpo Bonilla in 1899. During his administration, one of the most important historical events in the economic and political life of the country took place. country. "The Vaccaro brothers, a family of Italian origin who traded bananas in New Orleans, received North Shore land grants... The Vaccaro company, like other North Shore grantees later, took advantage of the privileges granted by the concessions to export bananas from La Ceiba."
After completing his presidential term, Sierra made efforts to perpetuate himself in power, but was overthrown by General Manuel Bonilla. This ruler turned out to be a better friend of the banana companies than Terencio Sierra himself. During his administration these companies won tax exemptions and permission to build docks and highways. He also granted concessions to build artificial channels to transport bananas and channel the Salado and El Porvenir rivers, as well as permission to obtain the letters for the construction of the new railway.
During his conservative tenure, Manuel Bonilla jailed former President Policarpo Bonilla for two years and took other steps to suppress political opposition from the Liberals, who were the only organized political party. The Conservatives split into a number of personalist factions and lacked coherent leadership. Manuel Bonilla made some efforts to reorganize the conservatives into a political party. The current National Party of Honduras (PNH) has its origins in his administration, where Manuel Bonilla promoted some internal improvements, in particular the construction of highways. But perhaps the greatest achievement of the Bonilla administration was the delimitation of the border with Nicaragua, especially in the area of La Mosquitia, for which there was a long dispute.
In 1906 Manuel Bonilla successfully resisted an invasion from Guatemala, but this was his last great success. The friendship pact that he had signed (1906) with Guatemala and El Salvador was interpreted as an anti-Nicaraguan alliance by President Zelaya of Nicaragua. Zelaya began supporting the exiled Honduran liberals in his country in an effort to overthrow Manuel Bonilla, who had become the dictator of Honduras. Bonilla tried to resist with the help of the Salvadorans. But in March, his forces were decisively defeated, in a battle notable for the appearance of machine guns in Central America's civil conflicts.
Instability and peace treaties
"The Provisional Government Junta, made up of Generals Miguel Oquelí Bustillo, Máximo B. Rosales and J. Ignacio Castro, appointed Miguel Rafael Dávila Cuellar as the new president of the republic... The first measures were pacify the country and subdue the rebel leaders of the old regime of Manuel Bonilla. The influence of the governments of Nicaragua and El Salvador in intervening in the internal affairs of Honduras forced President Dávila Cuellar to mobilize troops towards the borders."
"On December 20, 1907, the General Treaty of Peace and Friendship was celebrated in Washington to put an end to the hostilities of Nicaragua and El Salvador against the government of Dávila. Elected on March 1, 1908 for his constitutional term, the administration faced the invasion of Manuel Bonilla. Due to the seriousness of the political-military conflict, the government of the United States of America intervened."
The negotiations between the government forces and the military opposition of Manuel Bonilla, known as the Tacoma Conferences, with the mediation of the US government, were carried out aboard a US warship anchored in the Bay of Puerto Cortés, with the presence of the representative of the Department of State, Thomas C. Dawson. As a result of the talks, President Dávila resigns and Francisco Bertrand is appointed as provisional ruler.
From 1920 to 1923, there were seventeen uprisings or coup attempts in Honduras with the participation of neighboring countries. This further contributed to the country's political instability. The United States, concerned about protecting its interests in the country, tried to mediate a second Peace Treaty in 1923. However, Honduras would go to war in 1924, known as the "revindicating revolution" or the second civil war in Honduras which brought hundreds of economic problems to the country. Vicente Mejía Colindres took office in 1929 with high hopes for his administration and his nation. Honduras seemed to be heading towards political and economic progress. But many of Mejía Colindres's hopes faded with the onset of the Great Depression.
General Tiburcio Carías Andino ruled Honduras dictatorially during the 'Great Depression,' until 1948. During his rule the countrys fiscal situation improved remarkably, he modernized the armed forces and slightly improved education and infrastructure from Honduras. In addition, he brought order and a relative peace that the country had not had, although for this he had to make use of repression. Under pressure from the United States government, General Carias allowed free elections in the country. However, Carías found ways to use his influence and nominated Juan Manuel Gálvez as a candidate for the National Party.
Juan Manuel Gálvez won the elections without any opposition. During his government, Gálvez followed most of the fiscal policies of the Carias administration, reduced the external debt and paid every last one of the British bonds. The fruit companies continued to receive good treatment from Gálvez. In addition, Gálvez established some notable changes compared to the last fifteen years. Education received more attention, and he began to receive a larger share of the national budget. The most evident change was in the political arena. A considerable degree of freedom of the press was restored. The Liberal Party was allowed to reorganise, as were other political groups. Likewise, the workers also benefited during his government.
World War II
The Central American nation also decided to maintain diplomatic relations with the Japanese empire in 1935. This was due to the fact that the Honduran dictator General Carias Andino was a sympathizer of fascism and felt admiration for fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, to the extent that both regimes served as patron for their government from 1937 during the time of the regime known as "El cariato". Diplomatic relations between Honduras and the Axis nations would remain in place until 1941, but not before passing due to a certain deterioration, as in the case of the expulsion of the German consul Christian Zinsser after a series of controversies surrounding him during his stay in Honduras. It was not until the attack on Pearl Harbor in December of the same year that Honduras would declare war on the Empire of Japan on December 8, 1941 and immediately afterwards on Nazi Germany and the Kingdom of Italy along with other Central American nations.
In this way, various Honduran merchant ships would be attacked by German U-boats, therefore air patrols began in 1942. This was thanks to the fact that the Tiburcio Carias Andino dictatorship modernized the Honduran army and founded the Air Force Honduran. During this time the most controversial policy of the Government of General Carias Andino would arrive, which was the seizure of goods and properties belonging to Honduran German families.
The Constitutional Crisis of 1954
The liberal programs promoted by Gálvez did not leave former president Tiburcio Carías Andino happy, so he decided to run for president for the PNH despite his advanced age. This movement, however, divided the party, and the more moderate members broke away to form the Movimiento Nacional Revolucionario (MNR). The split in the ruling party encouraged the Liberal Party (PLH), which rallied behind the candidacy of Ramón Villeda Morales, a Tegucigalpa doctor who was seen as slightly to the left of the party's political spectrum.
The political campaign and the elections were very free and fair. On October 10, 1954, approximately 260,000 of the more than 400,000 voters went to the polls. Ramón Villeda Morales won with 121,213 votes, Carías received 77,041 and Abraham Williams received 53,041. However, Villeda fell short of being elected by some 8,000 votes. Under Honduran law, it was necessary to obtain a majority to be elected president.
Given this scenario, what happened during the 1924 election was repeated. The constitution required, firstly, that two-thirds of the members of the new legislature must be present and vote to elect a president and, secondly, that the winner must receive a two-thirds vote of the legislature. To further complicate matters, Gálvez went to Miami supposedly to receive medical treatment, although some sources claim that he simply fled the country, leaving the government in the hands of Vice President Julio Lozano Díaz.
Unable to reconcile their differences and unwilling to accept Villeda Morales as president, PNH and MNR deputies boycotted the legislative assembly, producing a constitutional crisis. That Constitution stipulated that in the event of a blockade of Congress, it was up to the Supreme Court of Justice to elect the president. But the members of the court were people appointed by Carías, for this reason the PLH opposed such a course of action.
At this juncture, the vice president, Julio Lozano Díaz, suddenly suspended the legislature and announced that he would act as president until new elections. Lozano Díaz declared that he was going to form a government of national unity with cabinet members drawn from all the major parties and received promises of support from all three candidates in the 1954 elections. In his December 6 speech Díaz announced that he &# 34;it would act like a magnificent sun, which illuminates everyone and burns no one." According to the historian Longino Becerra: "At first everything was harmony between the forces that shared the political power of the Nation."
But Lozano Díaz, soon making it clear that he had no intention of handing over power in free elections, organized his own party (Partido Unión Nacional, or PUN) and had the support of the banana companies and "the dissident bourgeoisie of the national party." He also limited the activities of other political parties and, in July 1956, Villeda Morales and other PLH leaders were suddenly arrested and taken into exile. A few weeks later, the government crushed an uprising by 400 soldiers in the capital. Public opinion, however, was becoming increasingly hostile to the president, and rumors of his imminent downfall had begun to circulate.
On October 21, 1956, the armed forces, led by the director of the Military School, General Roque J. Rodríguez, the commander of the Air Force, Colonel Héctor Caraccioli, and Major Roberto Gálvez Barnes, overthrew and sent into exile Julio Lozano Díaz. They established a military junta to govern the country, until new elections are held.
Military governments
The coup of 1963
The biggest problem for the military was holding elections for a legislature and selecting a new president. In the end, they decided on a system of proportional representation, and so the elections were held in October. The PLH won a majority, and in November, by a vote of thirty-seven to twenty, the assembly selected Ramón Villeda Morales as president for a six-year term beginning January 1, 1958.
The Villeda administration made tremendous efforts to improve the quality of life for Hondurans. The government obtained funds from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to stabilize the currency. In addition, funds were obtained from the World Bank to begin paving the northern highway to the capital. Greater attention was given to a new labor code, the establishment of a social security system, and an agrarian reform program began.
The reform program produced growing opposition, among the most conservative elements of Honduran society. There were scattered uprisings during Villeda Morales's initial years in power, but the military remained loyal and quickly crushed the riots. However, support from the military began to evaporate in the early 1960s. This was partly the result of increasing criticism of the government by conservative organizations such as the National Federation of Farmers and Ranchers of Honduras (FENAGH).), representing large landowners.
The change in attitude in the military also reflected concern about what was seen as disruption of rural areas and the more frequent and growing radical influence on worker and peasant groups. Likewise, relations with neighboring states, especially with Nicaragua, deteriorated, which also contributed enormously to the tension. But the main causes of the deterioration of relations between the military and Villeda Morales, was the creation of a Civil Guard by the president in 1957. This was a militarized police that obeyed exclusively the President and not the head of the armed forces.. Elections were scheduled for October 1963. As in 1954, the PLH faced a divided opposition. The PNH had nominated Ramón Ernesto Cruz, while a faction of the Party ousted the son of former President Carías.
The PLH ignored the wishes of its president and appointed Modesto Rodas Alvarado, a charismatic figure, highly partisan but considered a leftist. All signs pointed to a landslide victory for the Liberal party, a result the military found increasingly difficult to swallow. Rumors of a coup began to circulate in the late summer of 1963. The United States opposed this course of action, even sending a high-ranking officer from the Southern Command in the Panama Canal Zone to try to convince the chief of the Armed Forces, Air Force Colonel Oswaldo López Arellano, to cancel the coup.
Villeda Morales also did the same to stop the coup. However, before dawn on October 3, 1963, the military seized power. President Villeda and the PLH presidential candidates were sent into exile, Congress was dissolved, the constitution was suspended, and scheduled elections were cancelled. Colonel López Arellano proclaimed himself president, which led the United States to break relations with Honduras.
Dictatorship of Oswaldo López Arellano
The growing radical leftist influence was the excuse used by the government of Oswaldo López Arellano to justify the coup. López then moved shrewdly to consolidate his power. He dissolved or attacked in one way or another the left-leaning factions.
The Agrarian Reform Law was effectively annulled, in part because of the López regime's refusal to allocate money for the National Agrarian Institute (INA). In addition, other peasant unions, including the National Union of Peasants (UNC), were harshly persecuted by the López Arellano government. In addition, the López government was linked to a secret organization known as the 'Macha Brava'. This organization obtained a large part of its members from the ranks of public employees. It was used to attack leftists, and intimidate political opponents.
The head of state promised to call elections for a new legislature. In this way, López achieved in 1964 that his government was recognized by the President of the United States, Lyndon B. Johnson. Soon after, the United States resumed military aid, which had been suspended after the coup.
During his government, Oswaldo López Arellano managed to develop a close relationship with important members of the National Party. An important factor for these links was the leader of the Party, Ricardo Zúñiga Agustinus, who held the key position of Secretary of State for the Presidency. Likewise, other members of the National Party served in López's cabinet, giving it a civic-military character. This relationship between the nationalists and the López government distanced the López Arellano administration from members of the Liberal Party.
To give his government an appearance of legality, López Arellano promulgated a new constitution with a unicameral congress. He then called elections for this new congress. In November (1964), a general amnesty was decreed for opposition political figures. In this way, the exiles were able to return and thus the Libera Party was able to resume political activity. However, during the political campaign, the National Party promised to appoint López Arellano as president in case of gaining control of congress.
The vote was held on February 16, 1965; the PNH won 35 seats, and the PLH 29. The PLH accused the government of rigging the results, and some party leaders urged their supporters to boycott assembly meetings. But the PLH was unable to agree on this tactic. - Enough PLH members took their seats when Congress met on March 15 to provide the necessary quorum. The PNH delegates kept their promise and elected López Arellano as president for a new six-year term (1965 and 1971).
During the early part of his administration, López Arellano had some success in foreign affairs. One of the first acts of his government was to join Guatemala and Nicaragua in establishing the Central American Defense Council (CONDECA). This was a military pact between the countries of Central America and the United States for the coordination of counterinsurgency activities. El Salvador joined soon after, and in 1965 CONDECA held its first joint military exercise on the Caribbean coast of Honduras. That same year, Honduras contributed a small contingent of OAS troops to monitor the elections in the Dominican Republic. Likewise, Honduras improved its relations with Nicaragua, the United States, and other countries, but its relationship with El Salvador worsened.
The 1969 War
In 1968 the López Arellano regime seemed to be in serious trouble. The dire economic situation produced labor conflicts, political disturbances, and even criticism from conservative groups such as FENAGH. The political situation deteriorated, with the Honduran government and some private groups blaming the country's economic problems on the nearly 300,000 undocumented Salvadoran immigrants in Honduras. FENAGH blamed Salvadoran immigrants for illegal land invasions.
Tensions rose in June 1969, as the two countries' national teams were preparing to meet for the 1970 World Cup. During the first match in Tegucigalpa, some riots broke out. But the situation became much worse during the return match held in San Salvador. Honduran fans were mistreated, the Honduran flag and national anthem were insulted, and emotions in the two countries became extremely agitated.
In retaliation, Hondurans acted violently against many Salvadoran residents in Honduras, including several vice consuls. The press of both nations contributed to a growing climate of hysteria, and thus, on June 27, 1969, Honduras broke off diplomatic relations with El Salvador. Early in the morning of July 14, 1969, a concerted military action began which became known as "the soccer war." The Salvadoran air force attacked targets inside Honduras. Likewise, the Salvadoran army launched major offensives along the main highway that connects the two nations and against the Honduran islands in the Gulf of Fonseca.
The Salvadoran army, larger and better equipped than the Honduran army, pushed the Honduran army more than fifty miles and captured the capital of the department of Ocotepeque. Thereafter, the Salvadoran advance stalled as they experienced fuel and ammunition shortages. One of the main reasons for the fuel shortage was the action of the Honduran Air Force, which - in addition to destroying the small Salvadoran air force - had greatly damaged Salvadoran oil facilities.
The day after the fighting had begun, the OAS met in an urgent session and called for an immediate ceasefire and the withdrawal of Salvadoran forces from Honduras. El Salvador resisted pressure from the OAS for several days, demanding that Honduras first commit to paying reparations to Salvadoran citizens and guaranteeing the safety of those who still remained in Honduras.
A ceasefire was organized on the night of July 18, but it was in effect until July 20. The war produced losses for both parties. Between 60,000 and 130,000 Salvadorans they had been forcibly removed from or fled Honduras, causing serious economic disruption in some areas. Trade between the two nations was totally interrupted, damaging the economies of both countries and threatening the future of the Central American Common Market (CACM).
Coup of 1972
The war gave rise to a new sense of nationalism in Honduras. Thousands of Honduran workers and peasants had gone to the government to ask for arms to defend their nation. Internal political strife had been briefly suspended during the conflict with El Salvador, but by the early 1970s it was back in full swing.
The López government was under pressure to initiate administrative and electoral reforms, allow free elections in 1971, reorganize the army, and adopt new economic programs, including a review of Honduras' relations with the CACM. Representatives of unions, peasant organizations, and companies known as the living forces met with López Arellano.
They proposed a National Unity Plan, calling on political parties to hold free elections. Also, to create a coalition cabinet, and a division of positions in the government and seats in Congress. After a long debate, the traditional political parties responded to the pressures of the armed forces and the military. On January 7, 1971, a political pact was signed to establish a government of national unity after the elections of March 28, 1971.
The 1971 elections were relatively free and fair. The PLH designated Jorge Bueso Arias as its presidential candidate, and the PNH nominated Ramón Ernesto Cruz. Most observers anticipated a PLH victory, but the PNH campaigned more aggressively, making use of the media and modern political campaigning techniques, for the first time in Honduran history. After the elections ended, “Cruz achieved victory in the elections of March 1971, with 306,028 votes, while the liberal candidate obtained 276,777 votes; abstentionism was 32%.”
Once in government, Cruz seemed to live up to the terms agreed between the viva forces and the political parties. The president appointed five members of the PLH, five members of the PNH, and a military officer in his cabinet. López Arellano remained as head of the armed forces.
Cruz pushed through a reluctant Congress a bill that would cut tax benefits and exemptions on imports. This bill produced opposition from the business and labor sectors. He also fell out with members of the Liberal parties, after firing two Liberal members of his cabinet. By mid-1972 the president had lost most of the support of non-nationalist sectors.
The virtual paralysis of agrarian reform and the assassination of several peasants by the army in the department of Olancho enraged groups of peasants. In December peasants and union organizations announced a hunger march of 20,000 people to Tegucigalpa to protest against the government's agrarian policy. All this caused the military to seize power on December 4, 1972, headed again by Oswaldo López Arellano, in a peaceful coup d'état.
Hurricane Fifi
During the second term of his government, López Arellano experienced serious problems. In 1974 the economy was growing slowly, partly because of the immense damage caused to the country by Hurricane Fifi in September of that year. The storm was the most devastating natural disaster in recent Honduran history. More than 10,000 people lost their lives, as well as causing immense damage to the banana industry. In 1974, Honduras along with other banana exporting countries agreed to charge 50 cents per exported box of bananas. The Honduran tax had gone into effect in April 1974, but was suddenly canceled four months later. Soon after, reports began to circulate that the United Brands Company through its president, Eli M. Black, had paid $1.2 million to the Honduran authorities to get the tax repealed. López Arellano and his economy minister, Abraham Benatton Ramos, were involved in the bribery, according to The Wall Street Journal in its April 9, 1975 edition.
The Honduran Armed Forces reacted to the scandal by removing López Arellano from office and replacing him with Colonel Juan Alberto Melgar Castro. Melgar Castro turned out to be of a more conservative line than López Arellano. Because of this, he "showed less determination in carrying out the reform program." During his government, advisory bodies were created to deal with the country's problems. On May 19, 1975, the Banana Policy Advisory Council was created. These organizations suggested the repeal of the banana concessions, an act that was brought to a successful conclusion with Decree-Law No. 253.
On March 9, 1976, the Advisory Council of the Head of State (CADEJE) was created, made up of 35 regular members and 35 substitute members, with the objective of proposing an Electoral Law project to the head of State. Likewise, as to issue the corresponding opinions or opinions on the matters that are presented to him by the Head of State. And finally, presenting to the head of state presenting initiatives on the national problem. The traditional parties and COHEP, among others, refused to be part of this council.
Juan Alberto Melgar Castro wanted to run for president with the support of dissidents from the National and Liberal parties as well as the PINU and the Christian Democrats. This was not seen favorably within the Superior Council of the Armed Forces and they proposed to Melgar Castro a "change of direction of the government," demanding, among other things, the dismissal of members of Melgar's government cabinet. The Head of State rejected these demands, and was dismissed on August 7, 1978. In his place, a government junta headed by the Chief of the Armed Forces, Policarpo Paz García, was appointed.
Restore democracy
1980 Elections
In 1979 the Sandinista Revolution took place that overthrew the dictator Anastasio Somoza Debayle in Nicaragua, with broad international support, ranging from United States President Jimmy Carter, to the governments of the Soviet Union and Cuba. President Carter, who was known for denouncing the massive human rights violations of the Latin American dictatorships, pressured General Policarpo Paz García to hold elections in Honduras. Paz García gave in to US pressure and in April 1980, the Honduran citizenry was summoned to the polls to elect delegates for a new Congress.
In the 1980 elections, everything pointed to an easy victory for the National Party led by the nationalist, Ricardo Zúñiga Agustinus, since the National Party seemed more united and organized than its main opponent, the Liberal Party. Furthermore, the majority of the Honduran population assumed that the PNH would be favored by the military in power. On the other hand, the Liberal Party suffered from internal divisions and a lack of leadership, after the deaths of former President Ramón Villeda Morales and his later leader, Modesto Rodas Alvarado in 1979.
The April 1980 election produced a registration of more than 1.2 million Hondurans. Of these around 1 million Hondurans voted (more than 81%). The high number of voters favored the PLH, which won 49.4% of the votes cast. Under a complex distribution system, the PLH won 35 seats in Congress, the PNH 33, and the Innovation and Unity Party 3. This result produced considerable debate about the composition of the next government. There was general agreement on the appointment of Paz García as interim president, so the disputes centered on the composition of the cabinet.
Ultimately, Roberto Suazo Córdova, the new leader of the PLH, was named president of the Congress; Likewise, the PLH also won five of the seats in the new Supreme Court of Justice. The cabinet was divided between the three political parties and the military. The Armed Forces received the Ministry of National Defense and Public Security, as well as the Ministry of Foreign Relations, and the PNH acquired the main economic positions.
1981 Presidential Election
It took Congress more than a year to draft a new constitution and an electoral law for the 1981 presidential and parliamentary elections. Work was slow, and the elections originally scheduled for August 1981 had to be postponed until November. Meanwhile, the National Elections Tribunal (Tribunal Nacional de Elecciones - TNE) unanimously accepted the legal condition necessary for the Christian Democratic Party (PDCH) to occupy a place on the 1981 ballot.
Despite the presence of the PINU and PDCH candidates in the polls, it became clear that this election would essentially be a two-party affair: the Liberal Party and the National Party. On November 29, 1981, of the 1,214,735 registered Hondurans, approximately 80.7%, voted, giving the PLH a landslide victory. The Liberal candidate, Roberto Suazo Córdova, won the elections with 636,392 votes (52.4%), against 491,089 votes received by the opposition candidate, Roberto Zúñiga Agustinus of the National Party received 491,089 votes. Meanwhile, the PINU and the PDCH shared the remaining 48,582 votes. Likewise, the PLH won 61% of the municipalities. Suazo Córdova was sworn in as Honduran president in January 1982, ending nearly a decade of military rule.
Government of Suazo Córdova
Roberto Suazo Córdova, a rural doctor from La Paz, was a veteran of Honduras' internal political struggle, but he did not have the kind of experience that could have prepared him for a prominent role internationally. In his inaugural address, Suazo Cordova focused on the need for self-determination and his administration's desire to remain neutral in the face of the regional crisis affecting Central America.
Little by little, however, Suazo Córdova began to perceive the Sandinista government of Nicaragua as a subversive force that sought to undermine political stability in Honduras through propaganda, intimidation, and direct aid to subversive groups in Honduras. Both the Suazo administration and the Honduran Armed Forces agreed on this point. This led to the expansion of the role of the United States in Honduras, both as a political adviser and as a provider of military and economic aid.
Brigadier General Gustavo Álvarez Martínez, who took over as commander of the armed forces in January 1982, emerged as a political hardliner against the Sandinistas. Álvarez publicly declared that Honduras was "in a war to the death" with Nicaragua, but he believed that the war should be carried out under the auspices of a triple alliance between Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras.
According to various observers, Álvarez had another aspect to his anti-communist strategy; domestic surveillance and executions. According to Colonel Leónidas Torres Arias, former head of military intelligence, who had assumed an attaché position in Buenos Aires, told the media that General Álvarez had a death squad. The Honduran Committee for the Defense of Human Rights seemed to confirm the charges made by Torres to some extent, by publicizing the increase in the number of politically disappeared throughout the country. Álvarez's heavy-handed policy was heavily criticized by the international press and international human rights groups.
Despite these situations, subversive activity in Honduras expanded in the 1980s. Much of this increase is directly or indirectly attributed to Sandinista aid to groups such as the Honduran Communist Party. The perception of a true revolutionary leftist threat in Honduras raised Álvarez's profile both in Honduras and in the United States.
Some observers saw in Álvarez a continuation of the long line of military caudillos who had ruled the country since its independence. Other observers viewed the Honduran government as a triumvirate. On the one hand, General Álvarez was in charge of national security policy, on the other hand, President Suazo tolerated Álvarez Martínez's decisions in exchange for his militarily supporting his internal policies. While the United States supported the country economically and militarily in exchange for the use of Honduran territory for the formation and training of the Nicaraguan counterrevolutionaries known as the "Contras". In 1980, US aid to Honduras was US$3.3 million. By 1982 aid increased to US$31.3 million. In early 1984, Álvarez was removed from his position for allowing the training of Salvadoran troops in Puerto Castilla by US special forces. Another important factor in Álvarez's removal was the general's attempt to restructure command of the armed forces.. In addition, the most conservative officers in the military leadership thought that Álvarez would lead the country into an open war against Nicaragua.
General Walter López Reyes took command of the Armed Forces. This produced a series of repercussions both in Honduran internal politics and relations with the US López Reyes demanded further increases in military aid in exchange for Honduran cooperation in regional affairs. He also reduced military exercises between Honduras and the United States.
On May 21, 1985, President Suazo Córdova and U.S. President Ronald W. Reagan signed an agreement to modify the 1954 Military Assistance treaty. The new agreement allowed the United States to expand and improve the facilities of the Palmerola air base near Comayagua.
The 1985 Elections
After Álvarez's forced departure on March 31, 1984, President Suazo Córdova, previously overshadowed by the general, began to show signs of becoming a caudillo. Although the Constitution prohibits re-election, Suazo Córdova conspired to nominate Óscar Mejía Arellano (a man he trusted) for the next elections. The key to a potential victory for Mejía lay in the composition of the Supreme Court of Justice, which could (under the terms of the 1981 Constitution) decide an election in the event that no candidate received a majority of votes. In 1985 the Supreme Court was composed mostly of supporters of Suazo Córdova.
Congress took notice of Suazo's maneuvers and removed five judges from office. This generated a crisis between the three powers of the state. Suazo threatened to declare a state of emergency and shut down Congress. The military police took Ramón Valladares Soto, the new president of the Supreme Court of Justice, and the other four judges into custody.
On April 3, 1985, the assembly approved by a 49-29 vote a motion of no confidence in the president for his actions. In yet another calculated move to curb the president's power, the legislature passed a bill setting out guidelines for political party primaries. Suazo vetoed this bill. During the first days of the dispute between Suazo and Congress, the head of the Armed Forces, General López, had declared himself neutral in the conflict. As events began to degenerate, the armed forces called for direct negotiations between representatives of the executive and the legislature. On April 21, an agreement was reached, congressional leaders annulled the firing of the five judges and stopped pressing their demand for primary elections.
In a complicated arrangement, it was agreed that candidates from all political factions could run for president. The winner of the elections would be the candidate with the most votes within the same party. This provision ignored the provision of the Constitution that indicates that the president must be the candidate who obtains the simple majority of the votes. The presidential campaign pitted the liberals, Mejía Arellano and José Azcona against the nationalist, Rafael Leonardo Callejas. Mejía Arellano and José Azcona attacked each other even more than Callejas himself, the opposition candidate. This division caused Callejas Romero to obtain 44% of the votes against 30% for Azcona. But because the Liberal Party in a total combined with the votes received by Mejia Arellano led Azcona to add 54% of the total votes. Callejas presented a protest but it did not go further and thus Azcona was left with the presidency.
José Azcona was inaugurated on January 27, 1986. In his inaugural speech, the new president pointed out the many social problems that affected the country, and said that "there are no magic formulas" to solve them. He also highlighted the growing national debt and pledged to comply with foreign policies guided by the principle of non-intervention. For Azcona, prospects for a successful presidency seemed dim in part because his party in congress was divided and because the crisis in Central America was still ongoing, presenting a daunting prospect for any Honduran leader.
The administration of José Azcona
José Azcona attempted to "distance himself...from Suazo's policy, characterized by...extensive collaboration with "the intelligence and military services of the United States." "Azcona assured that he was unaware of the presence of the 'Contras' in Honduras, which qualified that this would be "a violation of the Constitution," and then "the necessary measures" would have to be taken; to "make sovereignty respected" honduran However, President Azcona "absolutely believed in cooperation with the Ronald Reagan administration on security matters.
With regard to the economy, it registered "substantial growth, based on banana and coffee exports.... on the other hand, industrial activities and the construction sector were in clear decline due to the shortage of investments, the commitments of the external debt, which amounted to $2.4 billion dollars and whose servicing compromised a growing share of the State's income, and unemployment, which affected 25% of the active population.".
Despite the country's economic problems, it was the Nicaraguan civil war and the adventures of the Contras in Honduras that most absorbed the Azcona administration. "In March 1986, the Sandinista Popular Army (EPS) made an incursion near Las Trojes, with the purpose of destroying the 'Contras' led by the current Commander-in-Chief of the Nicaraguan Army, Army General Julio César Avilés. In December of that same year "units of the two armies became entangled in land confrontations along the border while the Honduran Air Force, the most powerful in Central America... went into action bombarding two Nicaraguan towns."
"Azcona's actions with respect to the Contras can be described as erratic and imprecise, which was not only the root of Honduras' external security problems, but also fed, due to the confluence of guerrillas, mercenaries and characters of all stripes, the growing problems of internal security. Smuggling networks, organized crime and, in particular, drug trafficking were on the rise."
On April 5, 1988, drug trafficker Ramón Matta Ballesteros was kidnapped in Comayagüela by Cobra soldiers from the Public Security Forces. Matta, who had settled in Honduras after escaping from a Colombian prison, was handed over to DEA members who took him to the Dominican Republic to question him about his ties to the Medellín cartel and his responsibility for the murder of his agent. Enrique Camarena Salazar. Matta was then sent to the United States, where he was tried and sentenced to life in prison.
As a result of this event, supporters of Matta and groups of students and peasants burned the United States embassy in Tegucigalpa in repudiation, according to some observers, for the "not subtle interference and subservience to the northern superpower. . 4; "Azcona declared a state of emergency, denounced an alleged conspiracy of "international drug trafficking" to destabilize Honduras, and denied that the DEA was involved in the drug trafficker's adventures."
Triumph of nationalism
In November 1989, Rafael Leonardo Callejas and the National Party swept away the opposition in the general elections. This marked the most impressive electoral triumph of the National Party (PNH) of the XX century. According to the final results. Callejas won the presidency over his liberal rival, Carlos Flores Facussé, by 50.9% of the vote, against Flores' 43.1%. That was how "In 1990, the peaceful transfer of command from the ruling party to the triumphant National Party of opposition occurred, an event that had not been repeated since 1933"
During the Callejas presidency, the expulsion of the more than 12,000 Nicaraguan Contras living in Honduran territory took place, this after the electoral defeat of the Sandinista regime at the hands of the opposition. Likewise, it is worth noting the favorable sentence issued on September 11, 1992 by the International Court of Justice in The Hague on the dispute with El Salvador over the jurisdiction of 420 km² of border territory (reason for a war conflict in 1969) in the Gulf of Fonseca, which meant the delivery to Honduras of three quarters of the disputed area and the confirmation of its coastal arm in the Pacific Ocean."Also during his government the United States made cuts in military aid to Honduras, which went from $41.1 million in 1989 to only $2.7 million for 1993 " this after the end of the cold war. US politicians began to view the Honduran military, not as an ally against communism, but as a corrupt and costly obstacle to the country's democracy.
On the economic level, Callejas faced the difficulties of other governments in the area when it came to applying financial stabilization and structural adjustment measures following the precept of the IMF, a transcendental undertaking that he launched confident of the popularity he enjoyed as a new president. Callejas's priority objective was to resume dialogue with multilateral credit organizations, one year after the declaration by the World Bank of Honduras as an ineligible country for the disbursement of new loans.
"The Economic Regulation Law, translated into successive devaluations of the national currency, the lempira -which had maintained a fixed exchange rate with the dollar since 1920-, massive layoffs in the public sector and the reduction of social spending, inevitably punished extensive sections of the population already affected by the deficiencies typical of a poor country and with a very unbalanced distribution of income, and the recent and acute shortage of all kinds of basic necessities, causing, already in the first months of the Callejas administration, a strong social response that was expressed in street agitations and sectoral strikes called by some very feisty union organizations."
"In the short term, Callejas "at least, was able to present as an achievement the resumption of international financial assistance, which, together with the excellent relations with the North American power, facilitated the remission by Washington in September 1991 of 430 million dollars of bilateral debt.""At the end of his term, Callejas's neoliberal policy ended with a fairly discreet balance in the macroeconomy, with an average annual growth of only 1.5% of GDP and erratic inflation that only in the 1992 financial year fell below 10% per year, and indisputably disastrous in the social field."."
Unsurprisingly, opposition candidate Carlos Roberto Reina of the Liberal Party won the presidential election on November 28, 1993. What was not expected was the tremendous margin (51%), by which Reina defeated Oswaldo Ramos Soto of the ruling National Party (PN). In this way, the elections once again confirmed the dominance of the two main parties in Honduran politics.
Hurricane Mitch
On January 27, 1994, Reina who was won over by his warnings that he was going to "cut the long fingernails of the corrupt"... was sworn in as the fourth constitutional president of Honduras since 1982... willing, according to his words, to "defeat corruption and change its shameful face to the homeland.
Once in power, Reina "undertook definitive actions to subordinate to civil power the last mechanisms with which the Armed Forces had protected successive constitutional governments. Decisive steps for the demilitarization of the State, which was like saying the strengthening of democracy and civil society, were the creation of a Civil Police and the abolition of compulsory military service. considered unnecessary by Reina after the disappearance of tensions" in central America.
Reina set up the State Audit and Inspection Commission to investigate acts of corruption...But Reina's well-intentioned and sincere initiatives to moralize Honduran institutions and public life resulted in more than doubtful results. "Thus, the judicial investigations into the environment of former President Callejas for the alleged commission of crimes of corruption and abuse of authority ended up bogged down, at the same time that some administrative corruption scandals that hit the liberal Executive squarely, which it could hardly claim credibility if it did not ensure the probity of its own members."
"As far as the economy is concerned, the mixed balance sheet was subject to various interpretations. Reina opted for policies of financial austerity and readjustment of the staff, in accordance with liberal precepts." During the four years of Reina's presidency, the country experienced GDP growth of 2.5% due to the 1.9% recession of 1994, since 1995 and 1997 registered a positive rate of 4.5%. Inflation remained above 25% for the first three years, and only in the last year did it drop to 12.7%, behavior that was parallel to the recoveries of the lempira price against the dollar and the level of reserves of foreign exchange. The tax increases and the increase in the price of the shopping basket created social discontent, and the irregular growth of the economy was not noticed at all by a vast majority of the population affected by hardships and hardships of all kinds. The energy crisis that at the beginning of the mandate generated endless electrical blackouts, brought added damage to the national economy.
Reina concluded her term on January 27, 1998 with the inauguration of the president who emerged from the November 30, 1997 elections, his party mate Carlos Roberto Flores Facussé.
Engineer Carlos Roberto Flores Facussé took office in 1998. "Flores launched programs to reform and modernize the Honduran government and economy, with an emphasis on helping Honduras' poorest citizens, but his government was affected by the natural catastrophe of Hurricane Mitch, which devastated the country a few months into his mandate".
"His diligent management of the reconstruction, which involved copious international aid, alleviated further humanitarian damage and his administration was not marred by corruption. The economic recovery was faster than expected, but poverty and inequality did not decrease to the same extent. On the other hand, his government was not able to stop the rampant social violence either & # 34;.
21st century
Political Crisis of 2009
Ricardo Maduro became the first elected president of the XXI century, after the elections of November 25, 2001. Maduro of the National Party, obtained 52.2% of the votes, against 44.2% of Professor Rafael Pineda Ponce. Maduro's main objective was his fight against the crime wave that was ravaging the country.
"An example of a pro-market-minded politician-businessman, Maduro combated youth gang violence, and achieved more visible successes in stabilizing the economy and reducing foreign debt. However, he left the problem of poverty intact. In the international arena, Maduro joined Honduras to CAFTA and dispatched the Xatruch Battalion to Iraq." In January 2006, he finished his four-year term, being replaced by the liberal Manuel Zelaya.
President Manuel Zelaya "starred in an unexpected turn: he entered into oil deals with Venezuelan Hugo Chávez, governed with a left-wing policy, moved away from Washington and included Honduras in ALBA".
His next project was to open a constituent process in the image of those already established in other Latin American countries such as Venezuela or Ecuador, obtaining the support of a group of Hondurans followed by the less fortunate, which caused enmity with the powers traditions of the country, politicians from his own party, big businessmen, churches, civil society institutions, intellectuals, the judiciary, who, with the support of the army, removed Manuel Zelaya from office and declared his poll illegal on June 28, 2009. That same One day, the military deposed Zelaya and Congress elected Roberto Micheletti, also a liberal, to replace him. This event was described as a "coup d'état" by the international community and divided the country between those who supported Zelaya and resisted the coup and those who were against the constituent assembly.
The Permanent Council of the Organization of American States (OAS) met urgently and issued a resolution condemning the coup in Honduras and supporting the government of President José Manuel Zelaya, and democratic continuity in the Central American country".
Just like the OAS, most countries on other continents expressed the need to reinstate the ousted president and restore legal order in the country and ignored Micheletti's de facto mandate. However, the Honduran congress and Micheletti himself remained firm in his decision and Zelaya did not finish his term, after entering the country and taking refuge in the Brazilian embassy.
"Reestablishment of constitutional order"
At the end of 2009, in the midst of this crisis, Honduras held its elections under a decree suspending constitutional guarantees, and without the participation of observers from the international community, except for some who were sent by far-right international organizations. At the end of these, the candidate of the traditional right-wing and conservative National Party, Porfirio Lobo, emerged as the winner, "an agricultural businessman who articulates a centrist and conciliatory discourse. Lobo received a cracked country, and highly polarized, politically, socially, and economically, and also submitted to the democratic observation of the international community, part of which (including the OAS) awaited the development of the political course, to decide if it would recognize the legitimacy of the new Honduran president".
Only the United States, Colombia, Canada, Panama, Costa Rica and Peru gave him automatic recognition after observing the massive elections.
For this reason 'Pepe' Lobo spent most of his first year in office (2010) immersed in achieving recognition from the international community. The first step of his administration was to get Honduras to return to the Central American Integration System (SICA) on July 20, 2010, during a summit of Heads of State of the organization. As of February 2011, less than half (92) of the countries in the international community recognized the Lobo government.
In May 2011, Honduras was readmitted into the Organization of American States (OAS). Honduras obtained its re-entry thanks to 32 votes in favor and 1 against; Ecuador who through its president Correa who demanded the suspension of all trials against Zelaya and his return to Tegucigalpa.
The negotiations came to an end...with the signing of the so-called "Agreement for National Reconciliation and the Consolidation of the Democratic System in the Republic of Honduras" by Zelaya and Lobo, who met face to face in a meeting held in the Colombian city of Cartagena de Indias.
Violence and insecurity
Once the constitutional crisis was over, President Porfirio Lobo concentrated on trying to solve the country's problems. However, at the end of his term, it was postponed by the majority of the population. & # 34; 67.4 percent of Hondurans indicated that Lobo Sosa did not resolve his demands. & # 34; According to most of the population, "the main failure of Lobo Sosa" was "the increase in insecurity and violence in the country, followed by the economic crisis strengthened by unemployment...greater corruption, crisis in the health system...greater presence of drug trafficking... and increase in human rights violations".
The Liberal Party, one of the main opposition forces of the government, dared to point out that [...Hondurans live in an era of tension as authentic prisoners in our homes before the evident inefficiency of the authorities.] While the Alliance for Peace and Justice (APJ), a representative of organized civil society in Honduras, stated in a report that [the turbulent environment in which President Lobo took power was the propitious field for organized crime to act with greater impunity, which led to the strengthening of organized crime in the country and worsened the general state of impunity, causing a significant growth in the homicide rate to 66.8 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants in 2009...]
"But, the management carried out in the government of President Lobo did not bring about the change promised or expected by the Honduran people. Despite this troubling increase, the rate continued to rise during the first years of President Lobo's administration, reaching 86.5 in 2011, the highest rate in the world, and creating a reputation for global infamy about Honduras."
In January 2014, Lawyer Juan Orlando Hernández Alvarado of the Honduran National Party (PNH) took office as President of the Republic.
Honduras Elections 2017
On November 26, 2017, presidential elections were held between Juan Orlando Hernández and Salvador Nasralla. On December 1, individual guarantees were suspended and a 10-day curfew was decreed. Where the Electoral Tribunal of Honduras announced the results on December 18, 2017, giving Juan Orlando Hernández the winner, despite the fact that in the preliminary scrutinies Nasralla was presented as the winner.
The days after the elections, the country experienced moments of tension due to popular discontent around the presidential re-election of Hernández, calling them fraudulent.
Honduras Elections 2021
After the next four years of the government of Juan Orlando Hernández, Honduras experienced certain negative effects on its economy and political instability. Much of this was due to the authorization of the ZEDES plan, which sparked many protests throughout the country. The lowest point of the Hernández administration was during the Covid 19 pandemic where hundreds of Honduran businesses had to close and the country's economy collapsed. Due to these factors, the popularity of candidate Xiomara Castro increased, which gave her an overwhelming victory over her rival in the elections, Nasry Asfura, by more than 20 points.
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