Getulio Vargas
Getúlio Dornelles Vargas (April 19, 1882 in São Borja - August 24, 1954 in Rio de Janeiro) was a Brazilian politician twice President of the Republic of Brazil (1930-1934 in the Provisional Government; 1934-1937, in the constitutional government; 1937-1945, in the New State; 1951-1954, president elected by direct vote).
Getúlio Vargas was probably the most important and controversial Brazilian politician of the 20th century, and his influence continues to this day. His political heritage is claimed by at least two current parties: the Democratic Labor Party (PDT) and the Brazilian Labor Party (PTB).
He committed suicide by shooting himself in the heart, inside his room in the Catete Palace, in the city of Rio de Janeiro, then the capital of the country.
Biography
Origins and formation
Born in the interior of the state of Rio Grande do Sul, in the city of São Borja, the son of Manuel do Nascimento Vargas and Cândida Dornelles Vargas. When he was young he altered his documents to record his birth year as 1883, which was discovered at the centenary commemoration of his birth.
Getúlio Dornelles Vargas was part of a gaucho family originally from the Azores, on his maternal side. His father was from the state of São Paulo and belonged to old Paulista families: among his ancestors, Amador Bueno, a famous Paulista from Brazil's colonial period.
In the first place, he tried to follow a military career, becoming a soldier in the garrison of his native municipality in 1898 and, in 1900, he enrolled in the Preparatory and Tactical School of Rio Pardo, where he did not participate for long, since that he was transferred to Porto Alegre, in order to finish his military service.
He completed secondary school in Ouro Preto and enrolled in the Porto Alegre Law School in 1904, where he met the then cadet of the military school Eurico Gaspar Dutra. He graduated in Law in 1907. He initially worked as a promoter with the Porto Alegre forum, but later decided to return to São Borja to practice law.
Political career
In 1909 he was elected state deputy, being re-elected in 1913. He resigned shortly after, disagreeing with the attitudes taken by the then president of Rio Grande do Sul, Borges de Medeiros, during the election. However, he returned to the state Legislative Assembly in 1917, and was again elected in 1921.
Chamber of Deputies
In 1923, he was elected federal deputy for the Riograndense Republican Party (PRR), replacing Rafael Cabeda. He soon became leader of the deputies of Rio Grande do Sul in the Legislative Chamber, in Rio de Janeiro. He completed the term of Rafael Cabeda and was again elected federal deputy in the legislature from 1924 to 1926, leading the gaucho bench in the Câmara dos Deputados. In 1924, he supported the sending of gaucho troops to the State of São Paulo, in support of the government of Artur Bernardes against the Paulista Revolt of 1924 . In a speech at the Câmara dos Deputados, Vargas criticized the revolts, claiming that: "The end of the era of riots in the barracks and of caudillez efforts has come, wherever they come from!& #34; (in Portuguese: Já passedou a epoch two riots of quarteis and das empreitadas caudilhescas, venham de onde vierem!)
Ministry of Finance
He assumed the Ministry of Finance on November 15, 1926, in the government of Washington Luis, implementing the monetary and exchange rate reform during this period, through "decree no. 5,108". On December 17, 1927, he left his position of minister to run and win in the elections for the presidency (currently the position is called governor) of Rio Grande do Sul (mandate 1928-1933), with João on his list as vice president Neves da Fontoura.
When Vargas left the ministry, President Washington Luís delivered a long speech, praising the competence and dedication to the work of Getúlio Vargas, with words such as: "A honestidade de vossos proposidos, a probidade de Your conduct, the retidão de vossos desígnios, let us hope that, from you and from your government, Rio Grande do Sul will continue to prosper, morally, intellectually and materially".
Presidency of Rio Grande do Sul
His election as president of Rio Grande do Sul closed a period of thirty long years of government of Borges de Medeiros in the state. Vargas took office on January 25, 1928, exercising it until October 9, 1930. Glauco Carneiro, in the book "Lusardo, o Último Caudilho", spoke of the end of the "Borges de Medeiros Era" and the victory of Getúlio Vargas, as a candidate for the conciliation between the PRR and the Libertador Party:
"Elegia-se, Getúlio Vargas, as candidate da 'conciliação', president of Rio Grande do Sul. Em 25 de janeiro de 1928, ao complete trinta anos de domínio do sistema governamental gaucho, Borges de Medeiros passava o cargo e encerrava sua carreira de ditador da política republicana".Glauco Carneiro.
During his tenure, he began a strong opposition movement to the federal government, demanding an end to electoral corruption through the implementation of secret and universal voting, although he maintained good relations with President Washington Luis, obtaining several benefits for Rio Grande do Sul. He created the Rio Grande do Sul State Bank, supported the creation of VARIG ( Viação Aérea Rio Grandense ) and united the political parties of his state (the PRR and the Libertador Party), before, eternal rivals.
Revolution of 1930
In the República Velha (1889-1930), the so-called "café com leite" policy was under way in Brazil, in which they alternated in power politicians from São Paulo and Minas Gerais. For this reason, at the beginning of 1929, Washington Luís selected the President of São Paulo, Júlio Prestes, as his next successor, which was supported by the presidents of the 18 states. Only three states denied support for Júlio Prestes: Minas Gerais, Rio Grande do Sul and Paraíba, and to this day, the Paraíba flag bears the word NÉGO.
Politicians in Minas Gerais were dissatisfied with the selection of Júlio Prestes, as they expected Ribeiro de Andrada to rule that state, as indicated by the "café con leche policy". As a result of the rupture, this policy came to an end and the articulation of an opposition front to the president's attempt began.
Minas Gerais, Rio Grande do Sul and Paraíba joined opposition politicians from different states, including the São Paulo Democratic Party, to stop the candidacy of Júlio Prestes. In August 1929, they formed the Liberal Alliance, which was launched on September 20 of that same year and Getúlio Vargas and João Pessoa (President of Paraíba) ran as candidates for the presidential elections.
The candidacy and the program of the Liberal Alliance had the support, in addition to the mentioned states, of opposition parties in several states, including the Democratic Party in São Paulo, and also members of the so-called middle classes of society and by men of "Tenentism", such as Siqueira Campos, João Alberto Lins de Barros, Juárez Távora and Miguel Costa.
The elections were held on March 1, 1930 and gave victory to Júlio Prestes. The Liberal Alliance refused to accept the validity of the elections, alleging that the victory of Júlio Prestes was electoral fraud. In addition to that, the representatives elected in states where the Liberal Alliance was victorious did not have their mandates recognized. From there, a conspiracy began, based in Rio Grande do Sul and Minas Gerais.
On July 26, 1930, João Pessoa was assassinated by João Dantas in Recife for political and personal reasons, serving as a trigger for the armed mobilization that began in Rio Grande do Sul on October 3. On the 10th, Getúlio Vargas left by rail for the federal capital (at that time, Rio de Janeiro).
It was feared that a major battle would take place in Itararé (São Paulo, on the border with Paraná), where federal government troops were encamped to stop the advance of Getúlio Vargas's men. The battle did not occur, since the generals Tasso Fragoso and João de Deus Mena Barreto and the admiral Isaías de Noronha deposed Washington Luís, on October 24 and formed a government junta.
The government junta then called Getúlio Vargas to exercise the presidential command. Getúlio Vargas assumed the leadership of the "provisional government" on November 3, 1930, the date that marks the end of the so-called República Velha.
The Provisional Government (1930-1934)
On November 3, 1930, the military junta passed power to Getúlio Vargas and he became Head of the Provisional Government with broad powers. The 1891 constitution was annulled by Getúlio, and it was governed through decrees.
In the beginning, there was a kind of revolutionary commando, called the "Black Cabinet," but then Getúlio managed to get rid of the influence of the lieutenants and govern with only one ministry.
He appointed inspectors for the state governments, in most cases lieutenants who participated in the 1930 Revolution. He created the Ministry of Labor, Industry and Commerce and the Ministry of Education and Health; he gave amnesty to the revolutionaries of the 1924 revolution and of the Coluna Prestes.
During this period, Getúlio Vargas launched the promises of the Liberal Alliance and the modernization of the State. He created the code of the waters, commercial propaganda on the radio.
On March 19, 1931, the Unionization Law was created, making the approval of union statutes by the Ministry of Labor mandatory.
The Revolution of 1932
On July 9, 1932, the Constitutionalist Revolution of 1932 arose in the State of São Paulo. The São Paulo Republican Party and the São Paulo Democratic Party, which previously supported the revolution of 1930, united in a United Front to demand the end of the dictatorship of the &# 34;Provisional Government" and a new Constitution.
A large contingent of civilian and military volunteers unleashed an armed struggle with the Provisional Government, with the support of politicians from other states such as Borges de Medeiros, Artur Bernardes and João Neves da Fontoura. Initiated on July 9, this movement lasted until October 2, 1932, when it was defeated militarily.
The Constitutionalist Revolution marked the beginning of the democratization process. On May 3, 1933, elections were held for the National Constituent Assembly, and it was when women voted for the first time in Brazil in national elections. It should be noted that the person who was elected the first female representative of Brazil, Carlota Pereira de Queirós, who curiously represented the state defeated in 1930: São Paulo, participated in this Assembly.
On July 16, 1934, a new Constitution was sanctioned and approved, and that same day, the National Congress elected Getúlio Vargas, by indirect vote, as President of the Republic.
The new Constitution was inspired by the Weimar Constitution and incorporated new aspects to economic, social and political life linked to the nationalization of resources, establishment of public, religious, free and compulsory education and finally the institution of Military Service Mandatory.
Constitutional Government (1934-1937)
During the period in which he ruled the country constitutionally, the activities of the Fascist-inspired Brazilian Integralist Action (AIB) grew, led by Plínio Salgado, and the National Liberation Alliance (ANL) emerged, a movement polarized by the Communist Party Brazilian (PCB), pro Moscow.
The closure of the ANL, determined by Getúlio Vargas, imprisoned several of its supporters, mainly those who carried out the Intentona Comunista of November 27, 1935, a movement that occurred in the cities from Natal, Recife and Rio de Janeiro. From there, the "state of siege" and political instability, which culminated in the Estado Novo.[citation needed]
New State (1937-1945)
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The coup of 1937
In 1937, when the presidential elections of January 1938 were expected, the government denounced the existence of a communist plan to seize power, known as the Cohen Plan, carried out inside itself of the government by Captain Olympio Mourão Filho.
With the commotion caused by the Cohen Plan, in an unstable climate due to the trial of the participants of the Communist attempt, with the followed states of siege; and with a neutralization of his main adversaries (such as the comptroller of Rio Grande do Sul, Flores da Cunha), Getúlio Vargas launched a military coup without resistance and established the New State on November 10, 1937, which lasted until on October 29, 1945.
Getúlio Vargas ordered the closure of the National Congress and created a new constitution (drafted by Justice Minister Francisco Campos), which gave him control of the Legislative and Judicial branches. The following month, he signed a decree-law that made all political parties disappear, including the Brazilian Integralist Action (AIB).
On May 11, 1938, the Integralists, dissatisfied with the closure of the AIB, invaded the Guanabara Palace, in an attempt to depose Getúlio Vargas. That episode was known as Levante Integralista.
Modernization of the State, laws and society
Between 1937 and 1945, during the Estado Novo, Getúlio Vargas continued the restructuring of the State and professionalization of the public service, creating DASP (Administrative Department of Public Service) and IBGE. He abolished taxes at the interstate lines and created the income tax.
It was oriented more and more in the state intervention in the economy and in the economic nationalism, it provoked a strong impulse in the industrialization. He adopted administrative centralization as a brand to create a strong state bureaucracy, hitherto non-existent.
In that period, the National Petroleum Council (CNP) (later called Petrobrás, in 1951), the National Steel Company (CSN), the Vale do Rio Doce Company, the São Francisco Hydroelectric Company and the National Engine Factory (FNM), among others.
In 1941, he edited the Penal Code and the Procedural Code, all still in force to this day. In 1943, Getúlio created the CLT (Consolidation of Labor Laws), guaranteeing employment stability after ten years of service, weekly rest, the regulation of work for minors, women, night work and fixing the working day in eight hours of service.
The consolidation of power
A series of measures were necessary to repress the opposition, such as the nomination of auditors for the States of strict confidence and with good relations in their States, the elimination of the 1930 lieutenants from the political force, discipline and professionalization of the armed forces and censorship of the media carried out by the DIP (Press and Propaganda Department). This body was also in charge of disseminating the ideology of the Estado Novo, articulating government propaganda and exercising control over the press.
It should be noted that Vargas restored a decoration from the imperial era, now with the name of the Order of the Southern Cross.
World War II and the fall in 1945
Although Vargas had inspired part of his political leadership in the fascist regimes that ruled Europe, with the first signs of World War II, in 1939, Getúlio Vargas maintained a neutral position until 1941 when, during the Conference of the countries South Americans in Rio de Janeiro, these countries decided, contrary to Getúlio's criteria, to condemn the Japanese attacks on the United States and break diplomatic relations with Germany, Italy and Japan. Following this, the Germans attacked Brazilian vessels with submarines, in retaliation for the end of Brazilian neutrality.
After the torpedo attack on Brazilian ships in 1942, the country declared war on Germany and Italy. Following the signing of an agreement between Brazil and the United States, whereby the US government undertook to finance the construction of the first Brazilian steel plant in exchange for permission to install military bases in the northeast region, more specifically in Native.
On January 28, 1943, Vargas and Franklin Delano Roosevelt (president of the USA) participated in the Natal Conference, where the first attempts were made, which resulted in the creation, in November, of the Brazilian Expeditionary Force (FEB), whose first squadron was sent, in July 1944, to fight in Italy. In June 1945, war was declared on Japan.
With the end of World War II approaching, in 1945, the pressures for redemocratization became stronger. Despite some measures taken, such as the definition of a date for the next elections (December 2), the amnesty, the freedom of party organization, and the commitment to elect a new Constituent Assembly, Getúlio Vargas was deposed on December 29. October 1945, by a military movement led by generals who made up his own ministry.
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Members of his cabinets
Over the course of 15 years of uninterrupted mandates, Vargas had the collaboration of numerous statesmen (several held more than one portfolio), including:
- Aeronautics: Joaquim Pedro Salgado Filho;
- Agriculture: Joaquim Francisco de Assis Brazil, Juarez Távora;
- Education: Francisco Luís da Silva Campos;
- War: Eurico Gaspar Dutra;
- Hacienda: Osvaldo Aranha,
- Justice: Osvaldo Aranha, Francisco Campos;
- Marina: Joseph Isaiah of Noronha;
- Foreign Affairs: Osvaldo Aranha;
- Work: Lindolfo Collor;
- Transportation: Juarez Távora, José Américo de Almeida.
The interval 1945-1950
Away from power, Getúlio Vargas retired to his farm in São Borja, in Rio Grande do Sul. He supported the candidacy of General Eurico Gaspar Dutra, who was his Minister of War throughout the Estado Novo, for the presidency of the Republic. In the elections for the National Constituent Assembly of 1946, Getúlio Vargas was elected senator for two States: Rio Grande do Sul and São Paulo, for the Brazilian Trabalhista Party (PTB).
For this reason, he was also elected as a representative in the Chamber of Deputies for seven states: Rio Grande do Sul, São Paulo, the Federal District, Rio de Janeiro, Minas Gerais, Bahia and Paraná. He assumed his mandate in the Federal Senate as a gaucho representative, and served as a senator during the period 1946-1949.
Elected Government (1950-1954)
Elected on October 3, 1950, defeating the UDN, whose candidate was once again Eduardo Gomes, and the Social Democratic Party (PSD), whose candidate was Cristiano Machado, who abandoned and ended up supporting Getúlio. Fundamental to his election was the support of the Governor of São Paulo, Ademar Pereira de Barros, who transferred one million Paulista votes to Getúlio Vargas.
He had a troubled government with the "Manifesto of the Colonels" and the controversial increase in the minimum wage by 100%. In this period, Petrobrás and Eletrobrás were created.
The ministers in his cabinet included Ciro do Espírito Santo Cardoso (War), Horácio Lafer and Osvaldo Aranha (Finance), Nero Moura (Aeronautics), Tancredo de Almeida Neves (Justice and Interior), João Neves da Fontoura (Foreign Relations), João Goulart (Labour, Industry and Commerce) and José Américo de Almeida (Roads and Public Works).
On August 5, 1954, an attack with revolver shots killed the aeronautical major Rubens Vaz and wounded the journalist Carlos Lacerda, creating a political crisis that led to the suicide of Getúlio Vargas in the Catete Palace (which was the seat of executive power in Brazil, when Rio de Janeiro was the federal capital), under strange circumstances, on the 24th of that month. He committed suicide by shooting himself in the heart.
Political and social legacy
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“The new politics of Brazil”
Thanks to Getúlio Vargas, the states that made the 1930 revolution took control of national politics. All the presidents from 1930 to 1964 were gaúchos or mineiros, so that, during this period, the governments of Café Filho, Nereu Ramos, Juscelino Kubitschek (between 1956 and 1961) and, lastly, Jânio Quadros ruled. Thus, for the 50 years following the 1930 revolution, it was miners and gauchos who held the presidency of the republic for 46 years.
The parties founded by Getúlio Vargas, the Social Democratic Party (PSD) (party of former interveners in the Estado Novo and interventionist in the economy) and the former Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB), dominated the political scene from 1946 to 1964 PSD, UDN and PTB, the largest political parties of that period, were led by mineiros (PSD and UDN) and by gauchos (the PTB). Three lieutenants from 1930 came to the presidency: Castelo Branco, Medici and Geisel. And the still ex-lieutenant Juarez Távora was second in the 1955 presidential elections, the ex-lieutenant Eduardo Gomes, came second in those of 1945 and 1950. Both candidates from the UDN, which also shows the influence of the ex-lieutenants in the UDN, party that still had among its leaders the former lieutenant Juraci Magalhães.
Getúlio's consolidating style was incorporated as the Brazilian way of doing politics, and had as its greatest supporter the ex-Minister of Justice of Getúlio, Tancredo Neves, and its greatest moment in the great political alliance was formed around he, controlling the transition from the military regime to democracy, in 1984-1985. The style of government tried to please the elites and the proletariat at the same time, although it was not a Getulista creation, although Getúlio had a typical populist personality. This elite-proletariat alliance became typical in Brazil, such as the PTB-PSD Alliance supported by the clandestine PCB between 1946–1964, and currently with the PT-PP-PMDB-PL alliance.
Getúlio Vargas was the creator of populism in Brazil. From 1946 to 1964, populism would gain momentum, with Adhemar de Barros, Jânio Quadros and João Goulart among its main exponents. In recent years, the representative of populism with the greatest projection was Leonel Brizola of the PDT. Currently, parties that participated in the fall of the military regime of 1964 (such as the PMDB, the PT) and the PSDB, a native of the PMDB, have assumed a fundamental role in the political game, alongside the PFL, heir to the UDN, and the former parties supporting the military: ARENA and PDS.
The personality, typical of fascism and communism and the representation against the left and the right would be, according to some, repeated in the 1964 revolution, also called the military dictatorship, implemented from 1964 to 1985. The strong repression of Communism after the Communist Attempt, for example, would be put back into practice by the military in the 1964 regime. The specter of imminent communist revolutions would be repeated in 1964, although, in that case, importance should be given to the international position for the cold war.
Some say the suicide of Getúlio Vargas was responsible for the 1964 military coup. It is believed that outrage against right-wing forces (at the time represented by Carlos Lacerda and the UDN) was responsible for Getúlio Vargas' suicide, preventing the military from coming to power already in February 1954 on the occasion of the "Manifesto of the Colonels", or in August 1954, when the deposition of Getúlio was expected.
The new economy of Brazil
The work policy carried out by Vargas generated controversy even to this day, as it was condemned as "paternalistic" by leftist intellectuals, who accused Vargas of using small reformist benefits to try to nullify the influence of the left over the proletariat, wishing to transform the working class into a sector under his control, and to assume control of the labor movement in a manner analogous to the "Carta del Lavoro" of the Italian fascist Benito Mussolini.
Defenders of Getúlio Vargas counterattacked by saying that at no other time in Brazil's history have there been comparable advances in workers' rights. The greatest exponents of this position were João Goulart and Leonel Brizola, Brizola being considered the last political heir of "Getulism", or of the "Era Vargas", in the language of the brasilianistas.
Critics from the right, and from liberals, said that these labor laws would harm workers in the long term because they would increase the so-called "Brazil cost", Overburdening the production costs of many companies, causing inflation that would destroy wage values, making Brazilian companies hire fewer workers and making it difficult to invest in Brazil. Thus, according to liberal criticism, pro-worker laws generated long-term inflation and unemployment among Brazilian workers for many years.
State interventionism in the economy initiated by Getúlio only grew over the years, reaching its maximum splendor in the government of former lieutenant Ernesto Geisel in 1930 during the military dictatorship of the 1970s. Fernando Collor at the beginning of 1990 began to clear the interventionist State.
For 60 years, after 1930, all the ministers of the federal government's economic portfolio were in favor of State intervention in the Brazilian economy, except Eugênio Gudin who held the position for 7 months in 1954, and the duo of Roberto Campos - Octávio Bulhões, for less than 3 years (1964 –1967).
Workers of Brazil
"Trabalhadores do Brasil", (in Spanish, Workers of Brazil), was the phrase Getúlio used to start his speeches. And not only in his speech, the intention for the good of the workers in his government, marked a time of famous social changes, where the workers seemed to be the center of the national political scene.
Post Mortem
In 2014, sixty years after his death, the film Getúlio was released, directed by João Jardim. It narrates the last 19 days of the president's life in the Palacio de Catete, during the crisis that occurred after the attack on Vía Tonelero.
Letter-testament of Getúlio Vargas
(Translation into Spanish from the original in Portuguese)
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More than once the forces and interests against the people were coordinated and unleashed upon me.They do not accuse me, insult me; they do not fight me, they defame me; and they do not give me the right to defend me. They need to quench my voice and prevent my action, so that it does not continue to defend, as I always defended, the people and mainly the humble. I follow what fate has imposed on me. After decades of domination and deprivation of international economic and financial groups, I was led by a revolution I won. I started the work of liberation and installed the regime of social freedom. I had to quit. I returned to the government in the arms of the people.
The underground campaign of the international groups was joined by revolutionary national groups against the labour guarantee regime. The law of extraordinary work was interrupted in Congress. Against the Justice of the Minimum Wage Review, hatreds were triggered. I wanted to create national freedom in the potentialization of our wealth through Petrobras, it is wrong to start working when the wave of agitation grows. Eletrobrás was obstructed to despair. They don't want the people to be independent.
I assumed the government within the inflationary spiral that destroyed the values of work. The profits of foreign companies reached up to 500% a year. In the securities statements of what we imported, there were frauds that found more than $100 million a year. The coffee crisis came, our main product was valued. We tried to defend their price and the answer was a violent repression of our economy to the point of being forced to yield.
I am fighting month by month, day by day, hour by hour, resisting the constant, incessant repression, supporting everything in silence, forgetting and renouncing everything within myself, to defend the people who are now left behind. I can only give them not to be my blood. If the birds of prey want someone's blood, they want to continue sucking the Brazilian people, I offer in holocaust my life. I choose this means to always be with you. When they humble them, they will feel my soul suffering at their side. When hunger is going to hit your doors, you will feel in your breasts the energy of struggle for you and your children. When they despise them, they will feel in my thought the strength for reaction.
My sacrifice will keep you together and my name will be your battle flag. Every drop of my blood will be an immortal flame in your consciousness and will keep the bleeding vibration to resist. I respond with forgiveness to hate. And those who think I'm defeated, I answer my victory. He was a slave to the people, and today I am booked for eternal life. But this people, of whom he was a slave, will no longer be a slave to anyone. My sacrifice will remain forever in your souls and my blood will have the price of your ransom.
I fought against deprivation in Brazil. I fought with my chest open. Hate, infamy, slander will not abate my spirit. I'll give you my life. Now I offer you my death. No fear. Serenamente I take the first step to the path of eternity and leave life to enter history.Getúlio Vargas, August 24, 1954.
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