Galician nationalism
Galician nationalism is a political and cultural current that advocates the recognition of Galicia as a nation, understanding that this includes mainly the current Spanish autonomous community of the same name and, in other cases, also the regions of Eo-Navia in Asturias, El Bierzo in León and Sanabria in Zamora. Derived from the above, Galician nationalism defends the recognition of the right of self-determination for the Galician people.
Currently, the main political forces that defend these approaches are the Galician Nationalist Bloc (BNG) and Anova-Irmandade Nacionalista (one of the forces that make up the En Marea coalition), the former with representation in the Galician Parliament. The BNG has had representation in the Madrid Congress of Deputies until the 2015 elections, in which Anova entered with 2 representatives within En Marea. In the 2019 elections, the BNG returned to congress with the deputy Néstor Rego, general secretary of the Unión do Povo Galego, while in the 2020 regional elections, the BNG became the second force in the Galician parliament with 24% of the votes At present, 22.8% of the population considers itself nationalist and 65.2% of the population considers itself as Galician as Spanish.
Ideology
Galician nationalism is based on the reaffirmation of the national values of Galicia, both from the historical point of view and through their representation in Galician and Spanish political institutions. Within this broad spectrum, two main ideological currents can be found:
- One that advocates the transformation of Spain into a federal or confederal state, a republican court, within which the Galician people would voluntarily be integrated. These parties are currently integrated, together with the Galician federations of left-wing Spanish parties such as Podemos, Izquierda Unida (Esquerda Unida) or Equo, in the En Marea electoral coalition.
- Another, that of the independentist left, which bets on the total break with Spain and also the model of capitalist society, and which moves in positions ranging from the radical left (Nós-Unidade Popular) to more moderate positions of center-left, as is the case of the Galego Nationalist Block.
These two currents, however, have points in common, such as the defense of the Galician language and culture (in some cases through reintegrationism), the recognition of Galicia as a nation and the free adhesion of the Galician town councils. speakers of León and Zamora, as well as of the western Asturian councils in which Eonaviego is spoken, in a hypothetical political structure that could be developed in the future.
History
The birth of Galician nationalism proper occurred with the Brotherhoods of Fala, but before various movements that constitute the precedents of nationalism proper.
Historical evolution of Galicia
After the Suevi entered the Iberian Peninsula, one of the first kingdoms after the fall of the Roman Empire was created. The Suevi came to occupy the area that was known during Roman times as Gallaecia, this area being an independent kingdom for about 174 years (411-585), with the rest of the Peninsula under Visigoth control. After the conquest by them, Gallaecia was annexed to the rest of the Visigothic kingdom.
The Kingdom of Galicia, also more precisely referred to as "Christian Kingdom of Galicia" or "Medieval Kingdom of Galicia", was a political entity that emerged in the Middle Ages that, governed as a private monarchy for a short time, was integrated into the Kingdom of León and, finally, into the Crown of Castile, serving as the basis for the contemporary conformation of the Galician region, precedent history of the current Autonomous Community of Galicia.
The background to the constitution of the Kingdom of Galicia dates back to the X century, after the distribution of the domains of Alfonso III of Asturias in the year 910 and its assignment to his son Ordoño, who in 914 was proclaimed King of León, although there is no unanimity regarding the affirmations that it was already at this time when it was constituted as an independent kingdom, nor with the periods of government of Sancho, from 926 to 929, and Bermudo, from 982 to 984.
In any case, it is due to a new distribution, that of the domains of Fernando I of Castilla y León, that García, his youngest son, was proclaimed King of Galicia, in two periods, from 1065 to 1071 and from 1072 to 1073, until he was deposed and imprisoned by Alfonso VI of León and Castilla and the kingdom incorporated into that of León.
On the death of García de Galicia, in 1090, after the imprisonment to which his brother subjected him to death in the castle of Luna, the kingdom of Galicia is divided taking as reference the river Miño and the resulting Portuguese county, would be the germ of the constitution of the Kingdom of Portugal from Alfonso Enríquez. Since 1230, with Ferdinand III of Castile, the Leonese kingdom was definitively reunited in the Castilian crown.
The name kingdom was preserved during the Old Regime, until it was officially replaced with the Spanish administrative reform of 1833, although it continued to be used for honorific and protocol purposes. Some political sectors have proposed its recovery as the official name of the autonomous community.
This denomination is also used to designate, within its context, the kingdom that was formed under the authority of the Suevi between the 5th and 6th centuries, in part of the territories that belonged to the Roman provinces of Gallaecia, and of the north of Lusitania, and whose history is part of some of the historiographical claims of Galicianism and the current nearby.
The period of independence ended during the Middle Ages, when the Kingdom of Galicia disappeared when it was absorbed by the Kingdom of León and later by the Crown of Castile.
This transition from the Kingdom of León to the Crown of Castile was a consequence of the marriage policy that dismembered and reunited the Peninsula.
The unsustainable situation of the peasantry led to the Irmandiñas Revolts, a revolution led by petty nobles and the bourgeoisie that established a communal regime for two years, suffocated by the feudal lords expropriated by the irmandiños.
The dark centuries ("dark centuries") of Galicia began from the XV and the Galician language survived in the popular classes, while the upper classes and the bourgeoisie mainly adopted Spanish to climb the social ladder.
The Forerunners
Within the precursors of Galician nationalism, three major movements can be pointed out:
Provincialism
Provincialism was a movement that was born in 1840 to defend the integrity of the territory of Galicia. This integrity was threatened by a plan to divide Spain into provinces that had begun to be drawn up after the death of Ferdinand VII. The provincialists wanted Galicia to be a single province and not be divided into the four that exist today.
There are two stages in the provincialist movement: one that goes from 1840 to 1846 and another that goes from 1854 to 1865. The first stage is characterized by being a very culturally and politically active period. It is in this period when the provincialists join the pronouncement of Commander Miguel Solís against Narváez, which will end with the execution of the so-called Mártires de Carral. The second provincialism is basically cultural, and it is with it that the literary Rexurdimento of Galician is produced.
Federalism
From 1865, and even 1875, Galician federalism developed, with it the first proto-nationalist ideologues such as Alfredo Brañas (who inspired Catalan nationalist intellectuals) would emerge, which would reach its peak with the First Spanish Republic. The federalists advocated that Galicia be constituted as a canton within Spain and that it be governed by its own cantonal Constitution. In this movement the old provincialists were reintegrated.
Regionalism
This period lasted approximately between 1875 and 1907. In this period there was a cultural and ideological restructuring, in which traditionalist and conservative sectors adopted Galician ideas. Its outstanding event was the founding of the Galician Regionalist Association, and its main leaders were Manuel Murguía and Alfredo Brañas. It ends with the founding of the Royal Galician Academy (RAG) and the transition to the Brotherhoods of Fala. During this time, the Galician republican federalism, through the Federal Council of Galicia, chaired by Moreno Barcia, presented a Draft Constitution for the future Galician state, in 1883, which was approved by the Assembly held in Lugo, in 1887.
Birth
The Galician ideology that had emerged with provincialism developed with federalism gathered in the XX century by the Irmandades da Fala, a sociocultural association founded in 1916 and through which Galicians such as Antón Villar Ponte, Vicente Risco and Ramón Cabanillas passed through. The beginning of Galician nationalism itself can be established in the assembly that the Brotherhoods celebrate in Lugo in 1918, in which it is manifested:
Having Galicia all the essential characteristics of nationality, we are named, today forever, Galician nationalists, since the word regionalism does not reflect all the aspirations or encloses all the intensity of our problems.
In this first Assembly it was concluded to demand a total autonomy for Galicia, towards a federation of nations of the Peninsula; the co-official status of Galician and Spanish in Galicia (currently in force), as well as a seat for Galicia in the League of Nations.
Evolution
In 1922 another Assembly of the Brotherhoods of Fala was held in Monforte de Lemos. There the differences between the two currents within the organization were manifested: the one that advocated greater participation in politics and the one that advocated continuing in the cultural line. Choosing in favor of the second, a stage of a cultural nature began in which the Grupo Nós was very important. The Seminary of Galician Studies was founded at this time. The dictatorship of General Miguel Primo de Rivera meant a six-year hiatus in the political activity of the Galician groups, which were outlawed.
In 1929 the ORGA of Santiago Casares Quiroga was born, a Galician organization of an autonomist, republican and left-wing nature. He was the driving force behind the Lestrove Pact (March 1930) and the creation of the Galician Republican Federation. This achieved an important electoral success in the constituent elections of 1931, being the hegemonic force in Galicia with 15 deputies. Among them, clear nationalists such as Antón Villar Ponte, Suárez Picallo or Ramón Otero Pedrayo himself, integrated through the Partido Nazonalista Repubricán, with implantation in the province of Orense. In 1932 the ORGA would be renamed the Galician Republican Party, which would end up in the sphere of the Republican Left of Manuel Azaña in 1934.
In 1931 the Galeguista Party was born, as a union of various nationalist groups from both the left and the right, which endorsed the program of the Brotherhoods. It was led by Alfonso Daniel Manuel Rodríguez Castelao and Alexandre Bóveda. The PG was remarkably successful: in four years it went from 700 to 6,000 members, from having 30 local groups to 150, and from 54,000 to 300,000 votes. His ultimate goal was the creation of a federal republic in Spain with a federated Galician state. However, his immediate goal was the achievement of a Statute of Autonomy for Galicia.
The PG, in principle an agglutinating party, had to ally with the Popular Front, due to the anti-autonomist position of the groups of the Spanish right. This fact caused two splits: Dereita Galeguista de Pontevedra (Xosé Filgueira) and Dereita Galeguista de Ourense (Vicente Risco), which would later form Dereita Galeguista. These splits were highly criticized by Castelao.
With the victory of the Popular Front in the 1936 elections, a referendum on the statute of autonomy was held on June 28, 1936. Officially, 74.52% of the population voted and 99.05% of the voters voted in the affirmative, but the result was not accepted by the right wing, which denounced the massive falsification of records, stating that only a fifth of the voters voted.
After this, a commission of deputies from Galicia traveled to Madrid to present the statute in the Spanish Parliament. However, the military uprising of July 18 and the fall into the hands of the rebels in Galicia made the application of said statute unfeasible, even though the Republican Cortes, meeting on February 1, 1938 in Montserrat, approved the text.
During the Franco dictatorship, the entire movement related to nationalism and the Galician language was harshly repressed. Some nationalist leaders such as Alexandre Bóveda or Ángel Casal (mayor of Santiago de Compostela) were shot during the Civil War, although others such as Vicente Risco or Ramón Otero Pedrayo were able to adapt to the new regime.
In 1963 the Galician Socialist Party (PSG) was born, promoted by Ramón Piñeiro, who would never be a member of it. The PSG limited itself to the cultural activity and training of its members to avoid attracting the attention of Franco's repression. Its leader, Xosé Manuel Beiras, in his work The economic backwardness of Galicia, made a diagnosis of the Galician economy as that of a peripheral nation that suffered socioeconomic neocolonialism due to its underdevelopment. This work would have a great diffusion among university youth.
In 1964, the Unión do Povo Galego (UPG) was also founded, initially a nationalist front, which in 1966 became a party, taking a communist orientation. He intended to break with the culturalism in which Galicianism had taken refuge during the Franco dictatorship. It had its ideological roots in Marxism-Leninism, it analyzed Galician society considering it a proletarian nation in the international context, linking itself to the national liberation movements of the Third World. It openly proclaimed the right to self-determination and the political conception of a sovereign Galicia (popular power) master of its destinies, but without openly claiming separatism. In coherence with these approaches, he moved to direct social action seeking to root nationalism through social conflicts and agitation. Thus, he sought to sharpen the contradictions of the dictatorship and capitalism which, according to their understanding, in Galicia had a clearly colonial face. The first staging was the thirds of assault in Castrelo de Miño. In 1971 the Comités de Axuda á Loita Labrega (the predecessor of the Comisiones Labregas) were created, and in 1973 the student association Estudiantes Revolucionarios Galegos (ERGA).
The Transition
With the advent of democracy, Galicians tried to resuscitate centrist Galicianism. In 1975 the Democratic Union and Democratic Left appeared, which were grouped in the Galician Popular Party. Inspired by Europeanism and Christian Democrats, it brought together a group of notables that suffered pressure from the reformists of the regime and ended up being a breeding ground for politicians for the powerful state forces that were taking shape and that would lead the transition. The paradigmatic case would be Xerardo Fernández Albor, recruited by Manuel Fraga to test a Popular Alliance of a regionalist nature. Notables from the regime itself founded the Independent Galician Party, but succumbed to Adolfo Suárez's offer to participate in the leadership of the Galician UCD to give it an autonomist orientation and roots in the country. When UCD went from a coalition to a party, the Galician parties of José Luis Meilán Gil and Eulogio Gómez Franqueira would be dissolved in it.
In 1975 the Asemblea Nacional-Popular Galega was created, a mass, assembly and left-wing organization with a vocation to integrate parties and people without militancy seeking the social implantation of leftist nationalism. With a strategy of social agitation and a revolutionary aesthetic, the Galician society of small farmers and middle classes was impervious to the offer, which ended up being remotely controlled by the UPG. This was already working on the constitution of the Galician National-Popular Bloc to attend the first electoral appointments.
In 1978 the Galeguista Party was founded again. In the center-left the Galician Social-Democratic Party (PGSD) appeared in 1974, to which it is necessary to add the Galician Socialist Party mentioned above. However, the nationalist left continued to be represented mainly by the UPG.
In 1976, at the proposal of the UPG, the Council of Galician Political Forces was created, which included the UPG itself, the PSG, the PGSD, the Carlists and the Galician Communist Movement (MCG).
In the first elections after the death of Francisco Franco, nationalism appears fragmented and with rupturist positions that scare the more moderate electorate at a time of great political uncertainty. It reached more than 10 percent of the votes, with the most voted forces being the Bloque Nacional Popular Galego with 5.86% of the votes, and the Unidade Galega coalition (Partido Galeguista, Partido Socialista Galego, Partido Obreiro Galego) with 5. 54% of the votes. Thus, Galician nationalism was left out of the Spanish Cortes Generales and remained in positions of marginality in the process of democratic reform as well as the essential institutional springs for its growth.
Autonomy
.gif)
Galicia obtained its Statute of Autonomy on April 6, 1981, being defined as a historical nationality, at the level of Catalonia and the Basque Country. Nationalism had alienated itself from the statutory process because it understood it to be insufficient, although the Partido Obreiro Galego de Camilo Nogueira (a split from the UPG), and the PG worked on the agreed Statute of the Sixteen, which the central political leaderships of the state forces would end cutting.
In the first regional elections, Galician nationalism once again presented itself divided. The Bloque Nacional-Popular Galego (BNPG) in coalition with the PSG, now without Beiras, obtained 3 seats and 6% of the votes. This was considered a success given the absence of institutional and communication instruments. In addition, the independence movement had consolidated a chronic division with rupturist and independentist forces such as Galicia Ceibe. Some small groups had opted for armed struggle following the trail that had marked the murder of Moncho Reboiras by the Francoist Police in 1975. In this context, the effort of peaceful and institutional participation of the BNPG-PSG would be cut short by the expulsion of their deputies when they refused to swear to the Constitution of 1978.
The Galeguista Party, with 4% of the votes, would not obtain representation. In this way, the only nationalist force that remained active in the Parliament of Galicia was in this first legislature Esquerda Galega, heir to the Partido Obreiro Galego. Its only deputy would be Camilo Nogueira, with 4% of the votes. This force would show a tendency to grow contrasted in subsequent elections of diverse scope.
The contradictions of the UCD in the statutory process gave way to a Popular Alliance (AP) with a very strong Galician rhetoric that emerged victorious, revealing, according to most analysts, that a space was opening up for centrist nationalism. The first attempt had already been carried out by Unidade Galega, which was part of the Galeguista Party and other forces more to the left with a moderate profile and which had obtained striking support in the Galician cities in the first municipal elections, reaching the mayoralty of La Coruña.. However, internal ideological tensions ended the coalition.
In the 1985 regional elections, the Galician Coalition made a brilliant debut with 13% of the votes and 11 seats, slowing down the growth of the AP despite its autonomist profile and becoming the key to government. However, its deputies were tempted by state-level forces and fell into divisions and subdivisions until they accepted the disembarkation of the real leader of AP in Galicia, José Luis Barreiro, after his attempt to overthrow Gerardo from within the Junta de Galicia. Fernandez Albor.
With Albor evicted from the presidency through a vote of no confidence, a tripartite autonomous government would be born with two nationalist parties in power: the Galician Coalition (now in the hands of Barreiro Rivas) and the Galician Nationalist Party (PNG) ineffectively led by Pablo González Mariñas, who paradoxically had been the Galician Coalition candidate for the presidency. The presidency of the Junta went to the PSOE, at a time when this party favored industrial reconversion, dairy quotas, cuts in the fishing fleet or the unconstitutionality appeal against the Law of Linguistic Normalization approved unanimously in the Parliament of Galicia. Such contradictions were punished electorally in the autonomous elections: Manuel Fraga supported the Junta de Galicia in coalition with a moderate nationalist force, Centristas de Galicia, a split on the right of Coalición Galega. The leader of this party, Victorino Núñez, would become president of the autonomous chamber.
In these elections, the Galician Nationalist Bloc (BNG), already clearly prone to institutional work, began an ascending career, occupying center-left spaces at the hands of Beiras. Nationalism had lost ten years of history in its self-marginalization in the Transition and the statutory process, but it would end up being the second political force in Galicia and an alternative to the repeated mandates of Fraga.
The less ideologized remnants of a moribund Galician Coalition would test candidacies in local elections with discreet success (Galician Democratic Convergence with 137 councilors in the 1991 municipal elections) or none (Galician Democracy, with 36 councilors in the 1999 elections). The Galician Nationalist Party would join the BNG.
News
The current parties with a presence in the Galician Parliament that define themselves as nationalist are the Bloque Nacionalista Galego (BNG), with an increasingly pronounced turn to the left and with Ana Pontón at its head, and En Marea, a coalition heterogeneous group linked to Podemos. The BNG experienced a considerable increase in votes in recent years, even becoming, with Xosé Manuel Beiras, the second Galician political force, ahead of the Partido dos Socialistas de Galicia-PSOE. It reached its electoral ceiling in the regional elections of 1997 in which it obtained more than 395,000 votes and a percentage of 25%, obtaining 18 deputies. It also came, after the municipal elections of 1999, to have the mayoralties of important cities such as Vigo, Pontevedra (mayoralty that it still maintains) and Ferrol. It also had a MEP, three parliamentarians in the Congress of Deputies and a senator appointed by autonomous community. However, it experienced a drop in votes in the 2005 Galician elections, becoming the third political force with 13 deputies, which suddenly represents a setback to the levels of 12 years ago.
In the municipal elections of May 2007, the BNG reached close to 20% of the votes, but already with a rural message similar to that of the Galician PP of Manuel Fraga and Xosé Cuíña and far removed from the intellectual and rebellious image of the electoral successes of Xosé Manuel Beiras in the urban and youth sphere.
Terra Galega presented itself in the center option, which managed to overcome the barrier of 2% of the votes, and the recently refounded Galeguista Party for the second time, which, having lost its historical and ideological roots, reaped a resounding failure.
Galician nationalism has experienced notable growth in recent years, with the nationalist vote rising from 9% to more than 25% in the 1990s. Many youth organizations appeared to support Galician independence, and, despite from being very numerous, they lack representativeness and real political power. Among these, the strongest is the Galician Popular Front (FPG), integrated into the Anova-Irmandade Nacionalista. For its part, Nós-Unidade Popular organized campaigns to remove the Francoist symbology that still remains in Galicia. They self-disbanded in 2015.
Left-wing Galicianism achieved a historic milestone after the 2005 regional elections. For the first time, despite having experienced a sharp drop in votes, a left-wing Galician nationalist party (the BNG) managed to form part of the government, occupying its leader Anxo Quintana the position of Vice President of the Junta de Galicia, in addition to the ministries of Rural Environment, Innovation and Industry, Culture and Housing. In this legislature, important projects for Galicianism have been approved, such as the creation of a network of Welshmen or the complete reactivation of the Galician football team, although its main lines in social, energy, forestry, tourism, cultural or agricultural policy in little The lines of action of the Fraga governments have varied.
With the reform of the Statute of Autonomy, the nationalists try to achieve greater self-government quotas in matters such as fishing, administration of Justice, regional police, river basins, social assistance and immigration, industry and local administration, as well as equalizing the legal status Galician language with Spanish. They propose incorporating a list of civic rights in accordance with the social trends that they consider to be more advanced and a financing model that reverts to Galicia its added value generated by its productive sectors.
Another battle horse, which turned out to be decisive in stopping the reform process, was the desire to introduce a mention of Galicia as a nation in the statute. The PSdeG advocated the introduction of the term common nation of two Galicians, inspired by the Galician anthem that mentions the "nazón de Breogán". Even so, it is difficult for it to be included due to the legal need to achieve consensus with a Galician PP already distant from the Galicianism of the time of Fraga and Cuiña, since the support of two thirds of Parliament is needed.
After the 2009 regional elections, the only openly nationalist party with representation in parliament, the BNG, found itself relegated to a secondary position after obtaining only 16.28% of the votes, compared to the absolute majority of the PP led by Alberto Núñez Feijoo.
After the XIII National Assembly of the BNG, several sectors abandoned that political force. The centrists formed a new party called Compromiso por Galicia (CxG). On the left, the Encontro Irmandiño of Xosé Manuel Beiras set up a new force called Anova-Irmandade Nacionalista on June 14, 2012. This force welcomed the Galician Popular Front (FPG) in line with recovering a sovereignist discourse and in connection with the social indignation derived from the economic crisis and corruption. Accordingly, it joined forces with Esquerda Unida (Galician branch of the IU, until then a marginal force in Galician politics) achieving electoral success in its first trial in the 2012 regional elections. The nationalist and left-wing coalition was called Alternativa Galega de Esquerda (AGE) and reached 14% of the votes (more than 200,000) and 9 deputies, ousted the PSOE from second place in the vote of the cities and also displaced the BNG to fourth place with 7 deputies.
In the general elections of December 20, 2015, Anova-Irmandade Nacionalista was part of the En Marea candidacy, which reached second position in Galicia with 6 deputies, 408,370 votes and 25.04% of the votes. The interpretation of the regulations of the Congress of Deputies carried out by the Bureau of the chamber prevented the formation of its own parliamentary group.
Political parties and nationalist organizations
- Galego Nationalist Block: Socialist court party, with some 8,000 militants and the Galician nationalist force with the greatest veteran in the Parliament of Galicia, where it currently has 19 seats, following the autonomic elections held in 2012. At the beginning of that same year he suffered several splits of internal parties, which decided to leave the BNG unformed with the results of his XIII Assembly. These parties were Encontro Irmandiño, Méis Galiza and the Galego-Partido Galeguista Nationalist Party. The BNG was founded on 26 September 1982 with the union of several leftist nationalist political forces. His current national spokesman is Ana Pontón. Within it there are several parties and groups:
- Union do Povo Galego (UPG): self-defined party as "patriotic community, because it assumes the national liberation struggle." Founded in the underground in 1964, it has about 1300 members. His president since 1977 is Bautista Álvarez and his current secretary general Néstor Rego.
- Movemento Galego ao Socialismo (MGS): small Marxist-Leninist party formed by a UPG split.
- Opener: internal current formed in 2012 by former militants of Mís Galiza who chose to remain in the BNG after the split of that party in March of the same year. It maintains a moderate left posture closer to social democracy.
- Anova-Irmandade Nacionalista: political assembly of socialist and independentist orientation, led by the historic Xosé Manuel Beiras, formed by the sum of the Encontro Irmandiño parties, of alter-globalist orientation, the FPG (communist), as well as individual militants. For the 2012 autonomic elections, it was presented in coalition with Esquerda Unida, Espazo Ecosocialista Galego and Equo, under the name of Alternativa Galega de Esquerda, achieving the 9 seats coalition in the Parliament of Galicia and becoming the third force of the chamber. Within it they coexist as:
- Popular Front Galega: organization ideologically situated in socialism and independence. Formed in 1987 by the Communist Party of National Liberation (PCLN) and Galiza Ceive-OLN together with other local smaller organizations such as the Nationalist Collectives of Trasancos and Vigo, the Independentist Groups Galegos of Santiago de Compostela and the Iskeiro collective of Ferrol. Its principles are "national independence, anti-colonialism, anti-imperialism, international solidarity and self-organization." Its most outstanding figures are the literate Xosé Luís Méndez Ferrín and Mariano Abalo (national spokesman). Currently integrated in Anova-Irmandade Nacionalista and in the Alternativa Esquerda electoral coalition.
- Commitment to Galicia: Social-Democratic party formed by the confluence of the organizations Méis Galiza (left, split from the BNG) and Acción Galega (progressive center). The latter has incorporated small Galician nationalism parties such as PGD or PNG-PG. It was founded in May 2012 and constituted as a single party in December of the same year. His secretary general is Xoán Bascuas.
- Terra Galega: coalition of nationalist center formed on November 4, 2005. It is formed by the Independent Democratic Center (CDI), Galega Initiative, Galega Coalition, Naron Unity and some other small local forces that add up to 4 mayors and 64 councillors in 32 Galician municipalities.
- Espazo Ecosocialista Galego: small Galician party of eco-socialist ideology oriented towards the renovated left. Established in 2012, he was integrated a few months in Commitment by Galicia until in September of that same year he decided to leave it and join the Alternative Electoral Coalition Galega de Esquerda. His spokesman is Xoán Hermida.
- Galeguist Party: party of the center that defines itself as heir to the 1931 Galeguist Party, constituted in 2004 with Manuel Soto Ferreiro as secretary general and Xabier González as president. They self-define themselves as the "Celeguist and Galician political choice."
- Communist Party of Povo Galego: political party created in 1984 and linked to the Communist Party of the Peoples of Spain (PCPE) until 2008. It has an independent legal structure since 1993. Although the PCPG did not declare itself a nationalist, it has always defended the right to self-determination for Galicia. With a shift towards more and more pronounced independenceism, the latest elections have supported the BNG's nominations.
- Nós-Unidade Popular: it was positioned in the parameters of the independentist, revolutionary, antipatriarchal and defender of Galician as "national league" of Galicia, defending the linguistic unity Galician-Portuguese (reintegrationism). His leader was Carlos Morais until its dissolution in 2015.
- Primeira Linha: communist organization integrated in the Movimento de Libertaçom Nacional Galego. It supports the independence of Galicia, considering part of it to the present Autonomous Community of Galicia plus the Lands of the Eo-Navia, the Valley of the Ibias and the regions of El Bierzo and Sanabria.
- Assembleia da Mocidade Independentista: youth organization, qualified as an extreme left, with origins in the former political arm of the EGPGC, the Assembleia do Povo Unida. It was self-disolved in 2014.
- Centrists of Galicia: Galega Coalition split, ruled the Orense Council and joined Fraga Iribarne in 1989, with the Presidency of Parliament (Victorino Núñez) and the Department of Culture (Daniel Barata). A former leader would also be an Emigration, Foreign Cooperation and Immigration advisor to the last Fraga government (Aurelio Miras Portugal).
- Galega Coalition: founded by Eulogio Gómez Franqueira, he made important successes in various local elections and in the 1985 autonomic elections, with Pablo González Mariñas as a candidate for President of the Board. He had a deputy in Congress (Senén Bernárdez). Victim of successive splits, it ended in the hands of the former leader of Popular Alliance José Luis Barreiro Rivas, who led her, after passing through a tripartite Galician Board, to her practical disappearance.
- Latin American Candidature: group of notable central-left Galicians supported by the PSOE who in the first democratic elections reached three seats in the Senate (although only Valentin Paz Andrade remained in the Joint Group, without being integrated into the socialist or UCD groups as the other two senators did).
- Identidade Galega: party that calls itself "identitarian". Some of his ideological stances can be considered as far-right. While defending Galician identity and culture and traditions, IDEGA is not independent. Their election results are marginal and are unknown if they continue to be active.