Farabundo Martí Front for National Liberation
The Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) is a left-wing political party in El Salvador. The FMLN was created on October 10, 1980 as a coordination body for the five left-wing political-guerrilla organizations that participated in the Salvadoran civil war, these same were trained by the then Cuban government Fidel Castro. With the signing of the Agreement of Paz de Chapultepec between the FMLN and the government of El Salvador, the FMLN was incorporated into the political life of El Salvador as a political party.
The FMLN was the main political opposition force in El Salvador between 1992 and 2009. From the 1994 general elections, the first after the civil war, until 2019 (with the election of Nayib Bukele), the political life of El Salvador was divided into two antagonistic forces: the leftist FMLN and the right-wing Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA), which emerged in 1981. In 2009, the FMLN became the ruling party after having democratically acceded to the Executive Power with the former president Mauricio Funes in the 2009 elections and again, in the 2014 presidential elections after Salvador Sánchez Cerén was elected.
History and organizational evolution of the FMLN
Beginnings
It was founded on October 10, 1980 by the Popular Liberation Forces "Farabundo Martí" (FPL), the People's Revolutionary Army (ERP), the National Resistance (RN), the Revolutionary Party of Central American Workers (PRTC) and the Salvadoran Communist Party (PCS). Before the official formation of the FMLN, there were several precedents of a guerrilla unit for the FMLN, however, on December 19, 1979, the Political-Military Coordinator was formed, made up of the FPL, the RN, and the PCS. The ERP was excluded, despite the fact that it was the second group with the greatest power and seniority, after the FPL, at the request of the RN (in 1975, the ERP had divided due to discussions about the political and military strategy to follow, and from there the RN emerged The ERP leadership ordered and carried out the death of two of its militants: the poet Roque Dalton and the trade unionist Armando Arteaga (Pancho)). However, Fidel Castro together with Manuel Piñeiro, head of the Cuban intelligence agency, pressured the coalition for the ERP to be admitted, in addition the PCS was pressured to change its strategy of building an armed structure, which it had followed since 1977, towards the definitive impulse of the armed struggle.
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On May 22, 1980, the Unified Revolutionary Directorate (DRU) was formed, in which the FPL, the ERP, the RN, and the PCS participated. In September 1980 the RN left the DRU, because of the struggles with the ERP. He rejoined shortly before the creation of the FMLN. This was originally run by the DRU, and then the DRU disappeared and a central command was formed.
The first weighty action of the FMLN was the launch, on January 10, 1981, of a final offensive against the Salvadoran government, made up of the so-called Revolutionary Government Junta, an alliance of military and civilians that lasted from October from 1979 to the beginning of 1982, in three stages. The offensive did not achieve its objective and, although along with it the height of the mass struggle that the country was experiencing disappeared, the FMLN strengthened itself militarily and led the war, from the left side, until the signing of the Peace Accords. January 1992.
The FMLN took its name from the communist leader Agustín Farabundo Martí (shot in the peasant uprising of 1932 by the National Police led by Osmín Aguirre y Salinas during the Government of General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez), a delegate of the Red Aid International and one of the organizers of the peasant and indigenous insurrection of 1932. The uprising was controlled by the National Guard, an organization created in 1912 under the government of General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez. During the repressive operations, thousands of peasants and indigenous people were shot. Historians still debate the death toll. These differ according to the authors, and range from 7,000 to 30,000 people.
Origin and pre-insurrectionary period: 1970 – 1980
The origin of what would become the FMLN of the revolutionary war dates back to April 1, 1970, when Salvador Cayetano Carpio resigned as general secretary of the PCS and together with six other militants formed the "Farabundo Martí" Popular Liberation Forces. (FPL). Carpio acquired the pseudonym "Comandante Marcial". The reason with which Carpio justified his actions was the decline of the PCS through what he called "bureaucratization" or the use of bureaucratic methods of struggle. Bureaucratism led the PCS to reject the armed path to seize power and to maintain the electoral path. Actually, at that time the PCS, as well as most of the pro-Soviet communist parties, was focused on the old and traditional anti-fascist strategy of the Popular Front devised by Joseph Stalin and the Bulgarian communist Giorgi Dimitrov, coordinator of the (Third) International (Communist Party) in the 1930s. This strategy promoted the alliance of the communist parties with the liberal bourgeoisies against fascism and Nazism.
It was not until October 10, 1980 that the Coordinadora Revolucionaria de Masas (CRM) emerged, under the “Programmatic Platform for a Revolutionary Democratic Government”, which brought together the Popular Revolutionary Bloc, (BPR) of the FPL; the Unified Popular Action Front, FAPU, of the RN; the Nationalist Democratic Union, UDN, political party of the PCS; the Ligas Populares 28 de febrero, LP-28, of the ERP, and the Movimiento de Liberación Popular, MLP of the Partido Revolucionario de Trabajadores Centroamericano. This union was forged during a turbulent period in Salvadoran history, marked by political persecution. One of the first blows received by the FMLN was the murder of Enrique Álvarez Córdova, along with Juan Chacón, Manuel Franco, Enrique Escobar Barrera, Humberto Mendoza and Doroteo Hernández, all of them members of its Executive Committee, were kidnapped and were finally found. murdered and with signs of torture on the outskirts of San Salvador.
Final offensive (insurrection), for a revolutionary democratic government: 1981
On January 10, 1981, clandestine guerrilla forces of the FMLN launched the so-called "Final Offensive." The event was not final nor was it offensive only, but rather a hybrid of military offensive and insurrection. The Offensive was led by the FMLN and its paramilitary guerrilla troops, while the insurrection was organized by popular forces from the Coordinadora Revolucionaria de Masas (CRM). The insurrection carried the programmatic platform of the Revolutionary Democratic Government (GDR) in which it was established not only to overthrow the dictatorship but also to establish a government of a socialist-revolutionary nature (as opposed to a Dictatorship of the communist Proletariat). The 1981 Offensive was carried out in main cities of the country such as Santa Ana, Sonsonate, Greater San Salvador, Santa Tecla, San Vicente, Usulután, San Miguel, and secondary cities of the country such as Metapán, Chalatenango, Ciudad Arce, Sensuntepeque and Zacatecoluca..
The defeat of the insurrection was attributed to the immaturity and insufficient experience in military matters prevailing in the revolutionary forces. An example of this observation was the uprising inside the headquarters of the Second Infantry Brigade in Santa Ana led by Captain Francisco Mena Sandoval, who obtained the support of an entire company, but later declared a retreat when they found themselves cornered. This episode is particularly tragic because Sandoval and his insurgent company were persecuted and cornered at the height of the Cutumay Camones Canton, a place located north of Santa Ana. As a result of the cornering, 97 combatants died. Jorge survived the bloody battle to join the ERP. An example of the combination of popular and revolutionary forces is the one that occurred in Chalatenango where the popular forces numbered around 300 people while the FMLN troop consisted of more or less 200. That was the popular-revolutionary force that led the insurrection in Chalatenango: 500 people.
Transition to Revolutionary War: 1981 – 1983
After the 1981 Insurrection-Offensive and its defeat, the FMLN as a political-military organization went completely underground and its structures as well as its different commands were transferred to the mountains in different regions of the country. The FMLN had to go from organizing simple cells and urban guerrilla commandos to organizing much more complex military formations, going through the structuring of militias and collaborators to brigades such as the Rafael Arce Zablah in Morazán and the Rafael Aguiñada Carranza, the detachment "Luis Adalberto Díaz", the "Carlos Arias" battalions, and the group of "Felipe Peña" battalions, until they were able to engage all their forces in the following War Fronts:
- Western “Feliciano Ama” (consolidated in 1985),
- Paracentral “Clara Elizabeth Ramírez”, replaced by “Anastasio Aquino”
- Central "Modesto Ramírez",
- North-Central “Felipe Peña”
- North-Oriental "Apolinario Serrano"
- Oriental “Francisco Sánchez”.
The prisoners of war in the Mariona prison, located north of San Salvador, and the women's prison in Ilopango were considered part of the Fifth War Front “Pedro Pablo Castillo”. Another sector that was never considered a Front was that of the structures abroad formed by Support Committees of exiles and solidarity friends in cities in Mexico, the United States, Canada, Costa Rica, Panama, Australia, and Sweden. This "Foreign Front" would function continuously from the mid-1980s to 1994, to be reactivated and consolidated in 2000 with the participation of delegates in the National Party Conventions, as in the case of the United States and Canada.
Each political-military organization had a specific area of influence at the beginning of the war, but with the development of the war and the constant reorganization of the guerrilla army, combined forces as well as leadership structures emerged. In this period the FPL and the ERP follow the modality of separating the military structures (revolutionary armies) from the structures as parties themselves. The FPL calls its army “Popular Armed Forces of Liberation” (FAPL) and the ERP constitutes the armed wing of the Party of the Salvadoran Revolution (PRS). The FARN also became the armed wing of the National Resistance (RN).
During this period of transition to war, the FMLN built all its war infrastructure such as weapons manufacturing and repair workshops, hospitals, supplies collection centers, and the two revolutionary radio stations: the FPL's "Farabundo Martí" which was founded on January 22, 1982 and operated from Chalatenango, and Radio Venceremos, which operated from Morazán and was later converted into the “Official Voice of the FMLN” in the voice of the Venezuelan internationalist Santiago (real name: Carlos Consalvi, who now directs the Museum of Image and Memory) and Mariposa. Both radios broadcast on shortwave (SW) and later on frequency modulation (FM).
On August 26, 1981, the FMLN achieved recognition of the Franco-Mexican Declaration as a legitimate and representative political force of the Salvadoran people. Within the FMLN, however, a division related to the objectives and strategy of the revolution had formed. This division was expressed in two different visions of the war: on the one hand, Carpio led the position proposed by the government of the worker-peasant alliance and the armed seizure of power through the military strategy of the Prolonged People's War. Handal, for his part, stemming from his recent break with the liberal bourgeoisie of the PDC and the UNO, proposed the formation of an alliance with those same leftist forces and the political-negotiated solution to the war. Between legitimate consensus and conspiratorial maneuvers,* Handal's position came to predominate in the majority of the FMLN forces and later influenced a magisterial sector of Carpio's FPL*.
This division exploded on April 6, 1983 with the assassination of Commander Ana María (real name: Mélida Anaya Montes), second in charge of the FPL after Marcial. The commander was executed while she was in Managua, Nicaragua, by a commando led by Marcelo (real name: Rogelio Bazaglia). A Nicaraguan court determined that Marcelo and his collaborators acted on their own behalf and acquitted Comandante Marcial of guilt. This, however, committed suicide on April 12. After Marcial's suicide, a group of his followers -who were called "the Renegades" or "Moros" within the FMLN- resigned from the FPL and the FMLN to form a new organization in December under the name of Movimiento Obrero Revolucionario "Salvador Cayetano Carpio" (MOR). Likewise, the MOR also took with it the structures of the “Clara Elizabeth Ramírez” Paracentral Front (CER). It was rumored that the "Moors" were Trotskyists, but in reality the existence of this group was only a reaction to the death of its leader.
The FMLN leadership body after Marcial's death was the General Command made up of commanders Leonel González (real name: Salvador Sánchez Cerén, from the FPL-FAPL), Schafik Jorge Handal Handal (Commander Simón, from the PCS- FAL), Fermán Cienfuegos (real name: Eduardo Sancho, from RN-FARN), Roberto Roca (real name: Francisco Jovel, from PRTC), and Joaquín Villalobos (real name: René Cruz, from PRS-ERP) (involved in the murder of the businessman Roberto Poma and the writer Roque Dalton). It would be this same General Command that would lead the revolutionary war until its end in 1992.
The transition to war ended with the conversion of the insurgent masses captured in the 1981 offensive into a revolutionary army (1983) that fed on the weapons seized from the Army and the repressive corps and that also gradually acquired the capacity to tip large blows to complete and sophisticated garrisons as well as causing hundreds of casualties to the Army. The official long weapon of the FMLN was the US-made M-16 and the military uniform worn by the combatants was olive green similar to that of the Army. With this logistics and supplies, the FMLN sought to neutralize the government campaign regarding the alleged Soviet intervention in the conflict, which was never proven.
A very important element that forced the FMLN to rapidly develop its war tactics and strategies was the escalation of the war caused by the intervention of the United States by fully financing the war to the Government and sending it war supplies and military advisers, although the FMLN was also properly financed by the Nicaraguan presidency until 1982.
Civil war: dialogue and negotiation: 1982 – 1990
An event that characterized the early period of the civil war was the appointment of Major Roberto D'Aubuisson, accused of founding and directing the death squads - according to former United States Ambassador Robert White - as President of the Constituent Assembly formed after the 1982 elections. The Constituent Assembly replaced Duarte with Álvaro Magaña, a majority shareholder of the Mortgage Bank and member of the economic power, to organize the Government of National Unity, which took many years to arrive due to interventions by the military, given the refusal to negotiate a way out of peace and national benefit.
When the FMLN extended the revolutionary war to the entire country and established “zones under control” as well as “zones of influence” (1983), it proved to be a powerful military and political force in the country. The Salvadoran conflict acquired the characteristics of a civil war, but it was not recognized in such a way by the Government, until it received recognition from the international community.
Chapultepec Peace Accords and end of the civil war: 1992
The specific process that culminated in the 1992 Peace Accords signed in Chapultepec Castle, Mexico, was initiated by the FMLN with the presentation of its proposal to negotiate the end of the war in September 1989 in Washington, two months before launching the FMLN military offensive that, also for other reasons, convinced the government of El Salvador to accept it because of the great danger it was for it. Prior to these events, the FMLN had proposed dialogue and negotiation to the Duarte administration through the FMLN-FDR (Revolutionary Democratic Front) alliance. The option of offering the proposal to Washington was defined when the FMLN declared the elections of March 1989 illegitimate and ignored the president (Alfredo Cristiani of ARENA) resulting from them. But it was not until the Geneva Agreement was signed in April 1990 in the presence of the Secretary General of the United Nations, Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, that the process became irreversible by setting an agenda and calendar for the rest of the process.
The meaning of the Peace Accords translated into the complete dismantling of the structure of the military dictatorship with a democratic face (dictatorship of a new type) that had prevailed since the 1933 presidency.
According to the United Nations Truth Commission, government forces and paramilitaries were responsible for 85% of the killings of civilians in the conflict, while FLMN guerrillas were responsible for only 5% of the killings of civilians.
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FMLN News: 1992 – 2003
The period of institutional legality of the FMLN began when it was granted by legislative decree of the Salvadoran parliament on September 1 its status as a legal party after the signing of the Peace Accords in 1992 that put an end to the civil war. Its legal status, however, was not granted until December 14 due to the bureaucratic processes that characterize the state structure.
Legality, however, placed the FMLN at the center of various problems. The first of these was the need to dissolve the five structures of the political-military organizations of the war and form a single one, in which figures from the extinct Salvadoran Communist Party (PCS) predominated, such as Salvador Sánchez Cerén, Orestes Fredesman Ortez, Nidia Díaz, Medardo González, Lorena Peña and the charismatic late leader Schafik Hándal as the most prominent, which was approved at the Third Convention in December 1995.
Another of the problems became the issue of the splits caused by the debate over the ideological orientation of the FMLN. Seven of the 21 deputies that the FMLN won in the 1994 elections belonging to two of the former organizations - the ERP and the RN - resigned en bloc from the FMLN to form the Social Democratic Democratic Party (PD) which, due to did not get three percent of the vote in the 1997 elections, it ceased to exist. Upon the death of the PD, the cadres joined the PDC, the Social Democratic Party (PSD), and the Democratic Convergence (CD) of Rubén Zamora.
After the first split, the FMLN declared in its statutes –published in 1994- to be a party of tendencies. Four tendencies were formed at different times: the Revolutionary-Socialist Current (CRS), led by Schafik Jorge Hándal, former General Secretary of the dissolved Salvadoran Communist Party (PCS), the Renewal Current, led by Facundo Guardado (former member of the Political Commission (CP) of the Popular Liberation Forces, FPL), the Tercerista Current, led by Gerson Martínez (also from the CP of the FPL), and the Revolutionary Tendency, led by Dagoberto Gutiérrez (former PCS Youth Secretary).
The next problem was programmatic. The FMLN did not have a defined program or an electoral strategy.
The internal battles of the FMLN between its tendencies found their escape valve every time they had to choose the General Coordinator. Thus, in 2000 the Corriente Renovadora assumed control of the party with Facundo Guardado in the General Coordination. Under Guardado, the FMLN leaned towards social democracy and created an alliance with Abraham Rodríguez's USC (former PDC vice-presidential candidate).
In an attempt to stop the chaos generated by more militants interested in turning the FMLN into a social democratic party due to its popular support, the FMLN annulled in the National Convention in 2000 the statutory right to group into tendencies, which left to officially exist immediately afterwards.
From the official elimination of the tendencies, a process of ideological redefinition of the FMLN began towards the original socialist historical project. In 2002 the Political Commission (CP) published a pamphlet entitled Our Orientation Towards Socialism, in which they defined their conception of socialism and the transitional program they called the Democratic Revolution. The prevailing ideological disorientation in the interior dragged the FMLN into a new split in 2003, when a group of parliamentarians led by the famous Chalateco ex-guerrilla Facundo Guardado resigned and which they called the Renovation Movement (MR), which later subscribed to the social democratic orientation in the line of the PSOE of Spain. The MR suffered the same fate as the PD when in the 2004 elections they did not obtain the minimum three percent of the vote required to exist. Later, his cadres affiliated with the United Democratic Center (CDU, former CD of Rubén Zamora). In October 2004, the FMLN founded the "Farabundo Martí" Political-Ideological Training School. The election of former FPL commander Milton Méndez (real name: Medardo González) in the internal elections of November 11, 2004 as General Coordinator of the party confirmed the consolidation of the possible leadership and socialist orientation of the FMLN. These internal elections of the FMLN in 2004, however, revealed the existence of the renewal trend in the Fuerza por el Cambio group led by the mayor of Santa Tecla Oscar Ortiz, who was the candidate defeated by Méndez in the internal elections.
The FMLN in the government
Following the general offensive (baptized as Ofeniva Hasta el Tope), launched in November 1989, the FMLN entered into a process of negotiations with the government that culminated in the signing of the Peace Accords of Chapultepec, on January 16, 1992, after which the FMLN became an opposition political party.
Since then, he has been part of the electoral political life of the country, without abandoning the struggle in the streets and the promotion of the class struggle, participating increasingly in all electoral processes since that date. His first candidate to occupy the first magistracy was Rubén Zamora Rivas in the 1994 elections; and later Facundo Guardado in 1999. Where both would be defeated by the official Armando Calderón Sol and Francisco Flores Pérez respectively. Its third candidate to participate in the 2004 presidential elections would be the historical leader of the PCS Schafik Handal as a candidate for the presidency and Guillermo Mata as a candidate for the vice presidency, who were defeated by the radio businessman Elías Antonio Saca and Ana Vilma de Escobar from the party. Nationalist Republican Alliance, with a total of 1,314,434 votes and 57.71% of the valid votes.
However, in the 2009 presidential election, the members of the FMLN presidential ticket, journalist Mauricio Funes as presidential candidate, and professor Salvador Sánchez Cerén as vice-presidential candidate, received a total of 1,354,000 votes, 51.32% of the valid votes; defeating the presidential formula of the Alianza Republicana Nacionalista (ARENA) party, formed by the former director of the National Civil Police Rodrigo Ávila as a candidate for the presidency and Arturo Zablah as a candidate for the vice presidency, with 1,284,588 votes, 48.68% of the valid votes, and were declared President and Vice-President of the Republic for a five-year term (to hold office for the period from June 1, 2009 to June 1, 2009). June 2014), defeating the Alianza Republicana Nacionalista party for the first time, after it held the presidency since 1989.
They took office on June 1, 2009, at the end of the term of President Elías Antonio Saca. Both received the credentials of election by the Supreme Electoral Tribunal, on March 31, 2009, in a ceremony held in a hotel in San Salvador.
In the presidential election held on Sunday, March 15, 2009, the members of the FMLN presidential formula, Mauricio Funes and Salvador Sánchez Cerén, received 1,354,000 votes, which represents 51.32% of the valid votes;and in accordance with article 80 of the Constitution of El Salvador, they were declared President and Vice President of the Republic for a five-year term.
On March 20, 2009, one of the first actions of Mauricio Funes, at that time only as president-elect, was to appoint a public policy development team made up of fourteen people, mostly from civil society, but in which five members of the FMLN participate: Franzi Hasbún, Manuel Melgar, René Ramos, Gerson Martínez and Karina Sosa.
The executive decree for the election of Funes and Cerén was published in national circulation newspapers on March 26, 2009; and both received the credentials that certify their election in an official act convened by the Supreme Electoral Tribunal held in San Salvador, on March 31, 2009.
On March 28, 2009, the FMLN Political Commission published the so-called Manifesto to the Nation containing its official position regarding the results of the presidential election. In one of its paragraphs said document states:
"The FMLN, in its new status as a Party of Government, will tenaciously boost national unity."
Funes and Cerén took office as President and Vice President of the Republic, respectively, on June 1, 2009.
After achieving victory in the presidential elections of March 15, 2009, defeating ARENA's candidate, Rodrigo Ávila, its candidate Mauricio Funes assumed the Presidency of the Republic on June 1, 2009.
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Similarly, in two consecutive ways, he obtained electoral victory in the presidential elections of March 9, 2014 with the presidential candidate Salvador Sánchez Cerén and his vice-presidential candidate Óscar Ortiz, being the first elected president of the Republic of El Salvador after knowing the final scrutiny at zero hours and thirty minutes in the morning of March 13, 2014 by the Supreme Electoral Tribunal of El Salvador and officially on Sunday March 16, 2014 at 10:30 p.m. night of the aforementioned day, defeating again and democratically with the presence of international organizations the right-wing opposition candidate Norman Quijano of the ARENA party, considering himself the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN ) as the first political force in the country after said election.
At the end of his term on May 31, 2019, he handed over power to the GANA candidate, Nayib Bukele, with third place in the presidential election, the worst result since its creation as a party in an executive election.
Basic political documents of the FMLN
There are two basic political documents of the FMLN: the Charter of Principles and Objectives, and the Statutes (reformed on several occasions).
Election results
Presidential Elections
| Election | Candidates | First round | Second round | Outcome | Note | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Votes | % | Votes | % | ||||||||
| 1994 | Ruben Zamora | 325.582 |
| 378,980 |
|  No. electorate | |||||
| 1999 | Facundo Guardado | 365.689 |
| No. electorate | |||||||
| 2004 | Schafik Handal | 812.519 |
| No. electorate | |||||||
| 2009 | Mauritius Funes | 1.354,000 |
|  Yes. electorate | |||||||
| 2014 | Salvador Sánchez Cerén | 1.315.768 |
| 1,495,415 |
| Yes. electorate | |||||
| 2019 | Hugo Martínez | 389.289 |
| No. electorate | |||||||
Parliamentary Elections
| Year | Votes | % | Deputies | Legislature | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Scalls | +/- | ||||||
| 1994 | 287.811 |
| 21/84 | - | Opposition | ||
| 1997 | 369.709 |
| 27/84 |  6
| Opposition | ||
| 2000 | 426.289 |
| 31/84 | 4
| Opposition | ||
| 2003 | 475.043 |
| 31/84 |  0
| Opposition | ||
| 2006 | 624.635 |
| 34/84 | 3
| Opposition | ||
| 2009 | 943.936 |
| 35/84 | 1
| Government | ||
| 2012 | 804.760 |
| 31/84 |  4
| Government | ||
| 2015 | 840.619 |
| 31/84 | 0
| Government | ||
| 2018 | 437.759 |
| 23/84 | 8
| Government | ||
| 2021 | 180.808 |
| 4/84 | 19
| Opposition | ||
Municipal Councils
| Votes | % | Municipal councils | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Mayors | +/- | |||||
| 2009 | 886.161 |
| 93/262 | - | ||
| 2012 | 807.644 |
| 94/262 | 1
| ||
| 2015 | 892.882 |
| 85/262 | 9
| ||
| 2018 | 672.183 |
| 64/262 | 21
| ||
| 2021 | 286.315 |
| 30/262 | 34
| ||
Websites consulted
- FMLN official site
- FMLN information on the website of the Legislative Assembly of El Salvador.
- FCER: “Political position of the Metropolitan Front “Clara Elisabeth Ramírez” to the internal problems of the F.P.L.”, December 1983, published in the popular power group of Yahoo groups.
- “El Salvador Civil War”
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