Chilean Communist Party

The Communist Party of Chile, whose acronyms are PCCh or PC, is a Chilean political party founded on January 2, 1922., by Luis Emilio Recabarren, as heir to the Socialist Workers' Party (POS).

The CP defines itself as having worker, peasant and intellectual roots, inspired by the thought of Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin, Marxism-Leninism. Its origin is closely linked to the development of the labor and social movement at the beginning of the XX century, to the spread of Marxism as a political philosophy and the triumph of the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917. It is one of the most important parties of the Chilean left, having a long history within the country's political institutions, although it has also been outside the law in certain periods, for example during the governments of Carlos Ibáñez del Campo (1927-1931, 1952-1958) and Gabriel González Videla (1946-1952), in recent years because of the "Law for the Permanent Defense of Democracy".

He has participated in different electoral alliances such as the Popular Front (FP), the Democratic Alliance, the National People's Front (FRENAP), the Popular Action Front (FRAP) and later the Popular Unity (UP). He held positions of government in the administrations of Gabriel González Videla, between 1946 and 1947, and Salvador Allende, between 1970 and 1973.

After the military coup of September 11, 1973, he was banned like the rest of the political groups of a Marxist nature. During the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet (1973-1990), he was one of the actors hardest hit by the political repression, before which he went into hiding. In the eighties, as part of the opposition, he participated together with guerrilla groups in the armed struggles for the democratic recovery. Among these groups was the Patriotic Front as the most prominent Manuel Rodríguez (FPMR), which would be the armed wing of the PC from 1983 to 1987.

After the return to democracy on March 11, 1990, between that date and March 2014, he was an opponent of different governments, militating in different left-wing coalitions, in the same way not achieving parliamentary representation either. National Congress only in the parliamentary elections of 2009, thanks to the election of three deputies. In that year he would also join the Coalition of Parties for Democracy and then Juntos Podemos Más and Por un Chile Justo, in 2012.

In April 2013, he became part of the Nueva Mayoría political coalition and in November of that year, he supported the presidential candidacy of Michelle Bachelet. Between March 2014 and March 2018, he participated in two ministries of his government: Claudia Pascual as Minister of Women and Gender Equality, and Marcos Barraza as Minister of Social Development and, in the Undersecretary of Social Welfare, having three militants in charge of the organization.

In 2020, it formed the Chile Digno coalition together with the FRVS and various left-wing movements, later in January 2021, said conglomerate became part of the Appruebo Dignidad coalition together with the Broad Front parties. Following the Approve Dignity primaries, the PCCh supports Gabriel Boric's candidacy in that year's Presidential Elections, which he would win. In March 2022, he became part of the government of Gabriel Boric, for which he initially participated in three ministries: Camila Vallejo as Minister General Secretary of Government, Jeannette Jara as Minister of Labor and Social Welfare, and Flavio Salazar as Minister of Science, Technology., Knowledge and Innovation and in six undersecretaries: in the Armed Forces with Galo Eidelstein Silber, in Economy and Smaller Companies with Javiera Petersen Muga, in Education with Nicolás Cataldo Astorga, in Justice with Jaime Gajardo Falcón, in Telecommunications with Claudio Araya San Martín and in Energy with Julio Maturana Franca.

Currently he is represented in the Chamber of Deputies and Deputies by Matías Ramírez, Nathalie Castillo, Carolina Tello, Luis Cuello, Carmen Hertz, Karol Cariola, Boris Barrera, Alejandra Placencia, Daniela Serrano, Lorena Pizarro, Marisela Santibáñez and María Candelaria. While in the Senate it is represented by Daniel Núñez and Claudia Pascual. The Communist Party is the Chilean political party with the largest number of registered to date before the Service Electoral de Chile (Servel), with more than 46 thousand militants. Likewise, it is the second Chilean political party with the largest amount of assets and investment instruments, declared before the same electoral institution in 2017. Its youth wing is the Youth Communists (JJCC).

History

The historical reconstruction of the Communist Party of Chile has emerged from the memory of its own militants, through testimonial texts, as well as academic research. Among the testimonial texts, those by Elías Lafertte, Juan Chacón and Volodia Teitelboim stand out. The first investigations were carried out by Hernán Ramírez Necochea. In recent decades, the contributions of Julio Pinto Vallejos, Rolando Álvarez Vallejos, Sergio Grez and Olga Ulianova have been added.

Background: the Socialist Workers Party (1912-1922)

Luis Emilio Recabarren, founder of the Communist Party of Chile.

The Communist Party of Chile has its origins in the Socialist Workers Party (POS), founded on June 4, 1912 by the printer worker Luis Emilio Recabarren, along with some 30 saltpeter workers and employees, at the premises of the workers' newspaper El Despertar de los Trabajadores, located at Calle Barros Arana 9, in the city of Iquique, in the Far North of the country.

Birth of the Chilean Communist Party (1922-1927)

Under the leadership of Luis Emilio Recabarren, the Socialist Workers Party held its III Congress in Rancagua, on January 2, 1922, where it decided to adhere to the Communist International, accepting the 21 conditions, after which it acquires its current name of the Communist Party of Chile and Ramón Sepúlveda is elected as general secretary.

During that period, the country faced a severe political and social crisis, under which there was constant persecution of the labor and social movement, mainly the Chilean Workers' Federation, examples of which are the Marusia Massacre and the La Coruña Massacre, under the government of Arturo Alessandri. In addition, during that period the party suffered intense debates around its political line and the loss of its historical leader, Luis Emilio Recabarren, who committed suicide on December 19, 1924, apparently due to a depression caused both by problems of staff as partisans.

On September 11 of the same year, a Governing Board was formed that deposed Alessandri's government, but it only lasted until January 23, 1925, after another Governing Board deposed it, so that Alessandri could return to finish his term. mandate. Once returned to La Moneda, Alessandri forms a Constituent Commission, which would have the presence of the then communist Manuel Hidalgo, said commission elaborates the Political Constitution of 1925 and plebiscited that year. In said referendum, the PCCh called for abstention, which reached 54.63%.

Ibanista dictatorship and economic crisis (1927-1933)

In 1927 Carlos Ibáñez del Campo established himself in power, who began a political persecution against the opposition movements to his government, among which was the Communist Party. In March of the same year, the regime ordered the closure of the party press, and its members and leaders began to be imprisoned. Already in 1929 the majority of the Communist Party was relegated to Easter Island. Within the party, various caudillos who, with a small group of followers who openly criticized the Ibáñez government, demonstrated that the party did not have a cellular structure. Because of this, the Central Committee (C.C.) had to be restructured, moving to Valparaíso, where it was established headed by Galo González.

Demonstration in front of the Palace of La Moneda in support of Socialist Republic

In 1931 the Great Depression hit Chile, and there was a resurgence of the popular movement. The people began with mobilizations and strikes to end the dictatorship. When this was achieved, the Communist Party came out of hiding and called a National Conference, which reconstituted the Central Committee. Between August 31 and September 7, the Uprising of the Chilean Squad took place, a mutiny and union mobilization led by the whole of the sailors of the Chilean Navy. The movement was born as a protest against a sharp reduction in wages, which had been decreed by the government of Vice President Manuel Trucco, in the midst of the economic and political crisis that the country was going through, and where the PCCh and the FOCh acted in support (and organization of the movement).

During this period, the PCCh set itself the objective of giving a revolutionary solution to the country's economic crisis, which was deepened by its political instability after the departure of Ibáñez. Within the successive governments that followed, mobilizations and social strikes multiplied, even reaching the point of the PCCh calling for the formation of Workers' Soviets during the period of the ephemeral Socialist Republic. Political stability was only restored with the arrival of Arturo Alessandri Palma to power in 1932.

It should be noted that this period is part of the process of bolshevization of the Communist Party, where the Leninist forms of organization within the party function were consolidated, as well as the adoption of the policy of the Third Period or Class against Class promoted at the VI Congress of the Communist International.

In 1933 a National Conference was held in which the party stated that it was only possible to advance towards socialism through anti-oligarchic and anti-imperialist transformations. This phase is called National Democratic. However, their alliance policy remains close.

The Popular Fronts and the expansion in the social world (1935-1948)

From 1935, the Communist Party raised the need for the union of the Chilean working class together with the peasantry and the middle classes to confront fascism in what was called the Popular Front. This strategy managed to find acceptance and in 1936 a political and social alliance was formed that included the Communist Party, the Socialist Party, the Radical Party, the Democratic Party, and the Central de Trabajadores. This attracted wide sympathies, increasing the presence of the Communist Party in society (widening its base that until then was exclusively working class) and in Chilean politics (with important electoral successes).

Pedro Aguirre Cerda president elected by the Popular Front

A decisive role in the formulation of this new strategy corresponds to the VII Congress of the Communist International, held in 1935, which seeks to define a strategy capable of:

• Addressing the fascist offensive, which was especially desolating Europe.
• Defend democracy (understanding as a bourgeois democracy).
• Create conditions for a new popular offensive to advance towards socialism.

In 1938 the Popular Front, with the radical Pedro Aguirre Cerda as its candidate, faced a right-wing coalition that presented Gustavo Ross as its candidate. The Communist Party joins the Popular Front together with the Socialist Party, the Democratic Party and the Radical Party.

In 1941 there was a division between the communists and the socialists. The leader of the Socialist Party Óscar Schnake Vergara, who had been attacked by the communists for participating in a mission to the United States to request credits, maintained the thesis that the majority of Chileans did not want the Communist Party, which obeyed and it supported the decisions adopted in the Communist International.

After the Nazi-Soviet pact, the CCP's discourse of anti-fascism gave way to a generic anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist discourse, defining World War II as an "inter-imperialist" war. After the Nazi invasion to the USSR, the position of the party turned around and the conflict was interpreted as an anti-fascist and democratic war, it consisted of promoting unity and the mobilization of anti-fascist Chileans in favor of political, moral and material aid to the Soviet Union and to their allies (Union for Victory Movement). The fight against philo-National Socialist groups that existed in certain groups in the country, which were supporters of Nazi Germany, began.

In contribution to these objectives, the National Anti-Fascist Alliance was formed, supporting the anti-Hitler coalition. The programmatic points of this alliance were:

• Breakdown of diplomatic relations with the Nazi-fascist axis.
• Establishment of diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union.
• Development of production; progress and independence of the country.

Thus, the Communist Party supported the candidacy of Juan Antonio Ríos in 1942, together with the radicals, the socialists, the liberals, and part of the National Falange.

In the 1946 presidential campaign, the Communist Party was looking for a candidate who would promote the anti-imperialist and anti-oligarchic transformations that the country required. Gabriel González Videla, candidate of the Radical Party, presented himself as the leader of the leftist sector and supporting these ideas. Seeming to be the best candidate, the communists decided to support González Videla. After the electoral triumph, the Communist Party entered a government for the first time in history, with three ministers within it, striving to put the ideas put forward in the campaign into practice. One of the most controversial was the authorization to organize unions in the countryside, which multiplied since the end of 1946. The municipal election of April 1947 was favorable to the PC (it obtained 16% of the votes), seeing its representation increase. This precipitated a cabinet change under pressure from the Liberal Party, which also had ministers, along with the Radicals. This caused the departure of the communists from the ministries, but not the break with the government. In fact, until August it maintained its mayors and governors. In this period, the communists increased their presence in the social world through the National Housing Front (which organized land seizures in Lo Zañartu; Renca (Recabarren Population) and Barrancas (Lautaro Annex, later giving rise to Los Nogales Population).).

Economic pressure from the United States, internal conflicts, and the climate of social unrest (the locomotion strike) led González Videla to expel the PCCh from the posts he still held in August. He first obtained the promulgation of a Law of Extraordinary Powers that allowed the massive relegation of communists to Pisagua. A year later he obtained from Congress the Law for the Permanent Defense of Democracy, which the communists called the "Cursed Law". This law made communists illegal, allowing the government to deepen its repression against communists and their allies. Thus began the second clandestinity.

The Law for the Permanent Defense of Democracy and secrecy (1948-1958)

In 1949, Galo González replaced Ricardo Fonseca as General Secretary of the Party, due to the latter's illness. The political orientation continued in the same way: the fight against the dictatorship and for democratic freedoms was focused, the union of the working class and the people was sought, and efforts were made to maintain positions in the organizations of masses fighting for popular demands. In hiding, the Communist Party decided to support Salvador Allende in the 1952 presidential elections. For this, it formed, together with the Socialist Party, the "National Liberation Front" (or People's Front) that promoted an anti-imperialist change program and anti-oligarchic. However, given the clandestinity and the dispersion of the popular forces, it was Carlos Ibáñez del Campo who took the victory. By not fulfilling his campaign promises, he gradually lost popularity, losing the support of those who brought him to power. Meanwhile, the struggle of the popular masses increased, and the Cursed Law was surpassed by the facts. The CCP earned its legality in the streets. The deep economic and social crisis in Chile made evident a change in the government. The X Congress of the Communist Party raised this thesis, sustaining the possibility that this government could be conquered without civil war, but through the prevailing legality, with the support of the masses and popular unity, abandoning the classic theses on conquest. of political power and establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat through an armed insurrection.

During the party's clandestine period, organizations such as the "April 2 Movement" and later the "Movimiento de Resistencia Antiimperialista", led by Luis Reinoso. The latter, together with the National People's Vanguard, founded in 1958, and the National Marxist Vanguard, founded in 1960, formed the Marxist Revolutionary Vanguard (VRM), with a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist alignment in 1962. The VRM and the division of This in two aspects, one Maoist and the other Socialist-Trotskyist, would be the basis for the formation of the Revolutionary Communist Party (PCR) and the Revolutionary Left Movement (MIR), respectively. The PCR would dissolve in the early 1980s and the Chilean Communist Party (Proletarian Action) led by Eduardo Artés, anti-revisionist in nature, was formed.

Popular Action Front (1958-1969)

Congress of the Communist Party, attended by Pablo Neruda, Luis Corvalán, Alejandro Toro and other leaders.

In 1958, the Bloque de Saneamiento Democrático was formed, which contributed to democratizing the country's politics by restoring their electoral rights to the communists. That same year, the CCP regained its legality through the repeal of the accursed law. For the elections of the same year, the Popular Action Front (FRAP) raised the candidacy of Salvador Allende, achieving immense support from the masses. For the first time in history there was the possibility of victory on the part of the working class. However, the results were in favor of Jorge Alessandri, the right-wing candidate.

The failure showed that the country required fundamental changes, and the majority of Chileans were in favor of these. In the 1964 elections there was a great class battle. The FRAP again raised Salvador Allende as a candidate. Given Allende's popularity, the right wing withdrew its candidate and supported the Christian Democrats (created in 1957), considered a “lesser evil”, in order to prevent Allende's victory. That was how Eduardo Frei Montalva won the elections. The DC government failed in its attempt to get the country out of the crisis. The XIV Congress sought to unite most of the country: workers, peasants, middle classes, small and medium producers. In 1968, in its Manifesto to the People, the party had stated that the PR was in the ranks of the people and an important part of the DC, since they represented considerable popular strata. The party sought to create an even larger front than the FRAP. As a result, in 1969 the Popular Unity (UP) was formed, with the participation of communists, socialists, radicals, social democrats, ibañistas grouped in the Independent Popular Action (API) and former Christian democrats grouped in the Christian Left (IC) and in the Unitary Popular Action Movement (MAPU). He immediately elaborated an anti-imperialist and anti-oligarchic government program, and proclaimed Salvador Allende as his presidential candidate.

Popular Unity (1969-1973)

Luis Corvalán, General Secretary of the PC (1958-1990).

The triumph of the UP in September 1970 constituted the political materialization of the PCCh. For the first time, it was a left-wing coalition that really ruled, although it did not have all the power. It began by nationalizing the basic wealth (copper, coal, saltpeter, iron, etc.), expropriated the monopolies and most of the banks, forming a social property area that coexisted with a mixed area and a private area; liquidated the latifundio through the expropriation of idle private land, radicalizing the Agrarian Reform; it extended, at least nominally, in an unprecedented way the rights of workers; he formulated policies tending to improve the income of the dispossessed sectors and tried to raise the level of consumption and life of the great majorities.

Salvador Allende together with the communist poet and militant Pablo Neruda.

For its part, the Central Única de Trabajadores (CUT) played an important role under the Popular Unity government, giving rise to the participation of the organized labor movement in government work for the first time in the history of Chile. In 1972, the right-wing opposition tried to paralyze the country through a strike that was attempted in October, but the CUT and other union organizations prevented it.

Nevertheless, the government faced serious economic and social problems, in addition to an ever-growing confrontational climate that, unable to solve, it attributed to external factors (above all, US intervention). The supporters of the Popular Unity, which at the time Allende was elected were little more than a third of Chilean society, increased their volume until they reached 43.85% in the 1973 parliamentary elections; however, the opposition (Christian Democrats and the National Party) joined forces to form the Confederation of Democracy (CODE), increasing the polarization of the country. Until before the 1973 coup, the main headquarters of the Communist Party was at Teatinos 416, on the corner with Calle Compañía.

Finally, on September 11, 1973, the Armed Forces seized power after a coup d'état, initiating the government of a military Junta and overthrowing Salvador Allende; political parties could not continue to operate and the Communist Party was outlawed. Sectors close to the Allende government blame the United States for this institutional breakdown (which worked through the CIA to destabilize the UP government in Chile) and the sedition of political forces from the center (Christian Democrats) and right (National Party). Thus began the CCP underground again.

Military dictatorship and persecution (1973-1980)

Patio 29, where there are many of the political executions.

After the overthrow of the government of Salvador Allende and subsequent rise to power of the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet, the Communist Party suffers the ravages of its marginalization from national political life, namely, assassinations, exiles and torture of its militants for part of the military and civilian agents of the DINA (National Intelligence Directorate) and other intelligence agencies of the regime.

The military dictatorship prohibited the existence of political parties, together with the closure of the National Congress. With this, it was possible to declare the community clandestine, illegal and also terrorist, marginalizing it from legality during the 1970s and 1980s.

The vast majority of C.C. of the Communist Party went into exile in the countries of Eastern Europe, Cuba and other destinations, while others would be detained, as was the case of the then senator and general secretary of the PCCh Luis Corvalán. Faced with this scenario of persecution and disorganization, the C.C. He decides to create a body in charge of the reorganization of the Party, where clandestine members of the Central Committee and almost unknown members would participate working on party reconstruction, with which the Internal Management Team (EDI) began to function in 1974.

In the year 1976, two teams of the PCCh Interior Directorate were arrested consecutively, that of Víctor Díaz and that of Fernando Ortiz, in addition to two others from the Communist Youth of Chile in the hands of the Joint Command that brought together the Directorate of Intelligence of the Air Force (DIFA), the Police Intelligence Directorate (DICAR) in addition to the participation to a lesser extent of the intelligence services of the Navy (SIN) and the Army (DINE) and collaboration of agents of the Police of Chilean investigations and civilian members of the fascist paramilitary group Frente Nacionalista Patria y Libertad.

Panfleto rejects the military dictatorship.

Towards the end of the 1970s, the PCCh articulated with other political sectors to generate an active opposition against the military government, highlighting its participation, together with the Christian Democrats, for the refusal of the new fundamental charter of the nation, written at the time of the Pinochet dictatorship. However, a political agreement with the DC became impossible, despite the efforts of the communists to consolidate an Anti-Fascist Front.

In the 1977 Plenum, the national leadership of the PCCh coined the term historical vacuum, which implies recognition of the political-military incapacity of the Party to counteract the advance of the reactionary sectors, which It was decanting in a process of legitimization of the military struggle against the dictatorship that would end in the early 1980s, with the adoption of the Política de Rebellión Popular de Masas and the creation of an organic space of its own strength. combative movement, the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front.^{[citation needed]}

Politics of Mass Popular Rebellion and FPMR (1980-1988)

Flag of the Patriotic Front Manuel Rodríguez.

At the beginning of the 1980s, the Communist Party leadership decided to assume the slogan of using "all forms of struggle against the dictatorship," incorporating armed resistance to State terrorism. This is how the so-called Zero Front was first formed, which would later give rise to the Manuel Rodríguez Patriotic Front (FPMR), which would begin operations in December 1983, with an electrical blackout throughout the central zone of the country.

Raúl Pellegrin, who was trained in the military in Cuba and practiced in the Nicaraguan guerrilla, entered the country clandestinely in mid-1983 to become the main political and military mastermind of the organization, adopting the nom de guerre Comandante José Miguel.

In May 1983, the first of the National Protest Days would take place, which were carried out with an important participation of the masses expressed in rallies in the main towns of Chile and pot-banging against the dictatorship; as well as a growing military organization that led to actions of major sabotage (blackouts) and mass defense.

The days of protest multiplied until 1986, a year considered key for the Politics of Mass Popular Rebellion. This year the FPMR carried out some large-scale operations such as the internment of weapons from Carrizal Bajo and the attack against Augusto Pinochet, which did not come to fruition, largely frustrating the policy of armed departure from the dictatorship proclaimed by the PCCh..

In 1987, the national leadership of the PCCh suffered a process of fracture with the FPMR, which would lead to a deep reconstruction of the strategic objectives in a framed period, by the construction of an agreed solution to the dictatorship through a plebiscite.

Protests against the Pinochet regime.

The Communist Party formed, together with the Socialist-Almeyda Party, the Christian Left, the Unitary Popular Action Movement and the Revolutionary Left Movement, the Popular Democratic Movement (MDP), an alternative body to the Democratic Alliance, which was made up of groups from the political center, represented by the Christian Democracy and the renewed left, mainly by the Socialist Party led by Altamirano, Arrate, Vodanovic and Núñez. At the end of the decade, the Coalition of Parties for the NO would emerge from the Democratic Alliance which defended the option "No" in the 1988 referendum.

After the victory of the opposition in this referendum, the Communist Party supported the only opposition candidate for the Presidency of the Republic, the Christian Democrat militant Patricio Aylwin who will ultimately be the first President of the Chilean transition to democracy.

First steps towards democracy (1988-1990)

By 1989, with Augusto Pinochet still in government, the PCCh formed an instrumental party, together with the IC, the Unitary Popular Action Movement, the PS (Almeyda) and the MIR, all former members of the United Left and of the MDP. That party would be called the Broad Party of the Socialist Left (PAIS) and would run in the 1989 elections forming the electoral coalition Unity for Democracy together with the Radical Socialist Democratic Party (PRSD).

Having reached an agreement with the Concertación regarding complementing or not presenting strong candidacies, it was only possible to elect two elected candidates (both from the PS (Almeyda)) because of the binomial system. For the presidential election of that year, the PCCh supports the sole candidate of the opposition, who would ultimately be the first president of the transition to democracy, the Christian Democrat Patricio Aylwin Azócar.

Once the reunification of the Almeydista socialists with the renewed socialists (social democrats) and the incorporation of a large number of members of the CI and MAPU into the Socialist Party of Chile (PS) and the recently founded Party for Democracy (PPD) in 1990, PAIS lost its raison d'être and was dissolved. Thus the CCP was left without its traditional and old socialist allies, which would be the keynote of the 1990s.

During the late 1980s and early 1990s, a group of leaders of the PCCh and the Communist Youth opposed to the Party's political line, among them Fanny Pollarolo, Gonzalo Rovira, Jorge Insunza, Luis Godoy Gómez, Antonio Leal, Alejandro Toro Herrera and Luis Guastavino founded the Partido Democrático de Izquierda (PDI), which in the end would be frustrated by the little mobility of the bases of the PCCh to the PDI, and which finally caused the integration of this group of leaders to the PS and the PPD.

The nineties: period of crisis (1990-2000)

The agreed term of the military dictatorship was consolidated with institutional bases that limited the presence that the Communist Party had historically had in Chilean politics. With the economic policies inherited from Pinochetism intact, the Concertación also maintained the democratic system left behind by the dictator. A Constitution that required high quorums for certain legal modifications, a binominal system that generated large electoral blocs that put aside the participation of the PC, equalizing the parliamentary votes of the Right and the Concertación, made the years of transition to democracy years in which there was no political mobility, with an exclusive institutional presence of the two blocks generated by binomialism.

Since the end of the military dictatorship, the Communist Party has raised the need to carry out a Democratic Revolution in Chile. The demand to put an end to all the institutional components bequeathed by Pinochetism in the 1980 Constitution, and which still remain unchanged, has been the fundamental axis of the Party. Likewise, from its insertion in the social movements, it has advocated the mobilization of the popular sectors in defense of their rights and the need to modify the neoliberal economic model established by the military dictatorship and continued by the governments of the Concertación de Partidos por democracy.

Since the 1990 elections, the Communist Party joined the electoral struggle, as one more way to develop advances in the direction of its political proposals. Thus, he participated in all the municipal, parliamentary and presidential elections between 1990 and 2013 in a semi-solitary manner.

In the municipal elections of 1992, the PCCh with sectors of the CI and MAPU managed to elect a mayor and 35 councilors at the hands of the conglomerate Movimiento de Izquierda Democrática Allendista (MIDA), which for the presidential and parliamentary elections In 1993 it would become the Democratic Left Alternative, a referent that would obtain 4.7% of the votes for its presidential candidate Eugenio Pizarro and 6.39% for its legislative candidates without elected deputies.

To face future elections, the Communist Party would form broad referents with different names, which brought together the entire extra-parliamentary left. In the municipal elections of 1996 and in the parliamentary elections of 1997, the PC would increase its vote to 7.49%, failing to obtain seats by the binomial system.

In 1999, the presidential candidate and General Secretary of the Communist Party Gladys Marín obtained 3.19% in the presidential election, falling behind the candidates of the Concertación and the Alianza and over the candidacies of the humanists, the independent ecologists and of the Union of Progressive Center Center. But due to the lack of an absolute majority on the part of the Alliance and Concertación candidates, the PCCh pronounces itself giving its voters freedom of action in the face of the second presidential round.

Together we can do more and the new directions (2000-2006)

Compact Logo Together We Can More.

In the municipal elections of 2000, the list of the Communist Party, La Izquierda, lowered its number of councilors to 24 and only managed to maintain one mayoralty, something that worries the interior of the PCCh since it also maintains without electing parliamentarians during the elections parliamentary elections of 2001 and lowers their vote to 5.22%, with which there is a risk of losing legality. In addition to the electoral crisis that it is experiencing, they are also experiencing successive political crises within it, with various fractures such as those led by Fuerza Social y Democrática and Nueva Izquierda.

Based on these concerns, the PCCh decides to generate a new political referent that brings together different sectors of the left, creating on December 13, 2003 Juntos Podemos Más, a political coalition made up of the Communist and Humanist parties, in addition to other political movements without legal constitution. In the municipal elections of 2004, the new electoral pact achieved 5.89% of the votes and the election of 4 mayors, in addition to 9.17% in the election of community councilors and obtaining 89 councillors.

In view of the 2005 presidential and parliamentary elections, the PCCh supported the humanist candidate Tomás Hirsch who would ultimately obtain 5.40%.

In view of the second presidential round and considering that it is once again excluded from parliamentary institutions, the PCCh together with other forces of Juntos Podemos Más provide critical support to the ruling party candidate, the socialist Michelle Bachelet on condition of compliance of five points to be met by the future government. This support, together with the call to cancel from other groups that were part of Juntos Podemos Más, de facto froze the development of the conglomerate.

During the same year, the emblematic leader and former deputy Gladys Marín, who held the position of General Secretary of the party, died until 2002, when the position of President of the Party was created. General Secretary, Guillermo Teillier.

Convergence towards the center and return to Congress (2006-2010)

CCP candidates for the 2009 parliamentary elections.

The government of Michelle Bachelet (2006-2010) would be characterized by the beginning of numerous conflicts that would later deepen even more in the government of Sebastián Piñera (2010-2014). In the mobilization of high school students in 2006, the conflict between copper subcontractors and forestry workers in 2007, and the National Strikes called by the CUT in 2007 and 2009, militants of the PCCh would have an important presence in their genesis and development..

During these same years, the PCCh together with the Christian Left (recently legalized) and the Humanist Party and other groups that still did not distance themselves from Juntos Podemos Más presented themselves under the same electoral pact for the municipal elections, to which, the PCCh reached an omission agreement with the Concertación in response to the Alianza's refusal to modify the binomial system of parliamentary elections. This allowed the PCCh to obtain 4 mayoralties at the national level (7 as an agreement) and with 9.12% of the votes, 44 councilors (80 as an agreement).

Militant of the PC in a march in 2009.

In 2009, the year of presidential and parliamentary elections, the PCCh continued with the political line outlined in its previous congresses and expressed the need to converge with the political center. In the parliamentary elections, the PCCh would reach an agreement with the Concertación parties that would end with the election of 3 communist deputies (Hugo Gutiérrez for district 2, Lautaro Carmona for district 5 and Guillermo Teillier for district 28), ending with a 37-year parliamentary exclusion. In the presidential elections, on the other hand, the PCCh, together with other leftist and progressive forces, presents the candidacy of Jorge Arrate with whom he would achieve 6.21%. In the second round of the same election, the conglomerate that supported Jorge Arrate, gave his support to the coalition candidate Eduardo Frei who would end up being defeated by the Alianza candidate Sebastián Piñera, putting an end to 20 years of dominance of the center-left pact in the country.

Opposition to the Government of Piñera I (2010-2013)

The president of the FECh and militant of the Communist Youths, Camila Vallejo, was one of the main leaders of the student mobilizations of 2011, reaching national and international notoriety.

After the arrival of the Coalition for Change to the executive power, the PCCh has resolved in its XXIV National Congress the need to build a Government of a New Type, which is not similar to a government of the right or of the Concertation, and that is capable of grouping the broadest democratic sectors that are willing to remove the right from the government. For the PCCh, this New Type Government has to be built based on unity and struggle; unity that would be expressed in the convergence of the center and the political left, and a struggle that would have to manifest itself in the social movement against neoliberalism. In the presidential period of Sebastián Piñera, the PCCh and the JJCC were a fundamental part of the social mobilizations. Since the first year of the right-wing administration in the executive branch, the PCCh has been present in the protests in favor of the Mapuche political prisoners, even adding to the hunger strike of the Mapuche community members the deputy and human rights defender Hugo Gutiérrez.

During 2011, the PCCh was actively present in the Protests in Magallanes with participation in the Citizen Assembly; Likewise, during the same year the party became very active in the protests for the reconstruction in the areas damaged by the 2010 earthquake and in the student mobilizations where, through the Presidency of the College of Teachers with Jaime Gajardo, the Presidency of the Federation of Students of the University of Chile with Camila Vallejo and various high school and university leaders, played a leading role in leading this mobilization.

That same year, the CCP paid tribute to the North Korean regime by sending its condolences on the death of Kim Jong-il.

In terms of elections, the PCCh made the pact "For a just Chile" with the Radical Social Democratic Party, the Christian Left Party of Chile and the Party for Democracy for the list of councilors in the municipal elections, together with the omission of mayoral candidates from the rest of the Concertación in certain communes, which would imply an increase in mayoralties and obtaining 102 councilorships, along with a growth in percentage. That same year, the Communist Party of Chile would celebrate its 100 years of existence with multiple activities, among which a cultural event with more than 70,000 people in the Stadium stood out. National

New Majority, support for Bachelet and return to government (2013-2018)

New Majority Coalition Logo.

PC directive supporting Michelle Bachelet in 2013.

In 2013, the party joined the Nueva Mayoría pact to lead a common candidate for the presidential election. On May 25, the CCP decided to give its support to the socialist candidate Michelle Bachelet.

After Bachelet's electoral victory, the party expressed its willingness to participate in the New Majority government. Which materialized with the entry of militants into the government. This fact marked the return of the communists to the ruling party to which they had not belonged since the government of Salvador Allende.

Regarding the presence of CCP militants in the ministerial cabinet, there were only two communist ministers. Claudia Pascual was appointed as Minister of the National Women's Service, which would later be transformed in 2016 into the Ministry of Women and Gender Equality, Pascual would be ratified in the position and the first holder of said portfolio. On the other hand, in the change made by President Michelle Bachelet on May 11, 2015, the then Undersecretary of Social Welfare Marcos Barraza (a communist militant) was appointed as the new Minister of Social Development. As for the undersecretaries, there were only communist militants in the Undersecretary of Social Welfare, which was in charge of Marcos Barraza, Julia Urquieta Olivares and Jeannette Jara Román.

On the other hand, in the regional cabinet, during the second government of Michelle Bachelet no communist militants were appointed in the regional municipalities, however in the provinces militants were appointed in the provincial governments of: Tamarugal in charge of Claudio Vila and subsequently in charge of Rubén Moraga, Tocopilla in charge of Sergio Fernando Carvajal Salas, Copiapó in charge of Mario Rivas Silva and later with Ericka Portilla Barrios, Los Andes in charge of María Victoria Rodríguez Herrera and later with Daniel Zamorano Vargas and in the Provincial Delegation from Santiago with Salvador Delgadillo Bascuñán, Alamiro Cerda Marilaf and Nelson Cornejo Neira.

In 2017, the then communist deputy Camila Vallejo presented a bill that reduces the working day from 45 to 40 hours a week.

Social Outbreak, New Constitution and Opposition to the Government of Piñera II (2018-2021)

Unit Logo for Change

On May 11, 2019, the Unit for Change was created, during the First Political Programmatic Meeting held at the former National Congress in Santiago, its First Regional Meeting being held in Antofagasta on May 17 May 2019. The coalition was officially presented through an act in Concepción on June 8, 2019. On that occasion, they presented as their first goal to present a single list of candidates for councilors in the 2021 municipal elections, in addition to seeking to bring together all opposition forces to the government of Sebastián Piñera, with the exception of the PDC. On May 31, 2020, it commemorated one year of its creation with a virtual event.

On October 18, 2019, a series of nationwide protests began due to the high cost of living and the increase in Metro fare, which the media called a "Social outbreak", demonstrations that would later be supported by the PCCh, alluding to the fact that the last 30-year governments led Chile to October 18, Daniel Jadue has been one of those who has supported these demonstrations and has attended the place that different media know as "ground zero", in reference to Plaza Baquedano, which with the demonstrations was colloquially called Plaza de la Dignidad.

On October 30, 2019, a group of deputies from opposition parties, including militants from the parties: PS, PPD, PR, PCCh, FRVS and the Broad Front, presented a constitutional accusation against the former Minister of the Interior of Piñera Andrés Chadwick, pointing to his political responsibility, which he denied having had on October 23 in the National Congress, for the actions of the Armed Forces and Carabineros in the face of crimes and violations of human rights during the protests in the country. On November 28, the Chamber of Deputies approved the constitutional accusation against Chadwick with 80 votes in his favor, and on December 11 the Senate ruled in favor of his political responsibility in the facts described by the accusation, by 23 votes against 18, being disqualified from holding public office for five years.

On November 15, 2019, different leaders of a large part of Chilean political parties sign the "Agreement for Peace and the New Constitution" in such a way as to give an institutional solution to the crisis unleashed by the outbreak, however, for various reasons, the Communist Party and some components of the Broad Front did not participate in the negotiations and decided to withdraw from the agreement, criticizing several aspects of it, such as the agreed quorum (of 2/3) and the absence of a "Constituent Assembly" option. The differences even led to a split in the Broad Front, which implied the departure of the Green Ecologist, Humanist and Equality parties from the conglomerate and the Resignation of important members of the Social Convergence party due to the role in the negotiations of the then deputy Gabriel Boric, one of the key actors in reaching the agreement and who personally signed it.

On November 19, 2019, a group of ten opposition legislators filed an accusation against President Sebastián Piñera. The signatories were Carmen Hertz and Camila Vallejo (PCCh), Jaime Naranjo and Emilia Nuyado (PS), Jorge Brito (RD), Claudia Mix (Comunes), Tomas Hirsch (PH), Carolina Marzán (PPD), Gael Yeomans (CS) and Vlado Mirosevic (PL) 3 [of the votes], senators from Chile Vamos would have to vote", the official coalition. The accusation expresses that acts of the Piñera administration would have seriously compromised the honor of the Nation and that it would have openly infringed the Constitution and the laws; In particular, it maintains that it openly violated the Constitution and the laws by allowing the national police and the armed forces –the latter during a state of constitutional emergency– to commit human rights violations in a systematic and generalized manner, during the protests that began in October, and that seriously compromised the honor of the country for consenting to such a systematic and widespread violation of human rights.

In June 2020, the Mayor of Recoleta Daniel Jadue filed a complaint against Piñera, Mañalich, Paula Daza and Arturo Zúñiga for the deaths of the COVID-19 pandemic in his commune, the unlawful torts of homicide and denial of aid, in relation to the death of 62 people from coronavirus. It is specified in the complaint that a total of 135 deaths have been registered in the commune to date. However, it has not been possible to obtain the information of all, pointing to a concealment of information by the Government. In addition, the mayor pointed to serious misconduct in public office as an "inexcusable negligence of the defendants as government authorities in decision-making at a general level." At this point, he says that "they have not only been errors, but conscious and deliberate decisions for his personal political interest, tending to protect and maintain the proper functioning of the country's economy, to the detriment of health care and life of his citizens", this also due to the controversial statements of the then Minister of Health, Jaime Mañalich, which earned him his departure from the Government. In September 2020, this complaint is expanded and it is denounced that information was not told or concealed in documents issued by the Ministry of Health, which were related to the Epivigilia platform and to the results of laboratory tests reported to the Minsal.

Logo of the conglomerate Chile Digno.

On November 22, 2020, within the framework of the national plebiscite, the Communist Party founded the conglomerate Chile Digno (replacing its previous name Unidad para el Cambio) together with the Social Green Regionalist Federation party and political movements Humanist Action, Christian Left, Libertarian Left, Allende Socialist Movement, Popular Democratic Movement Popular Victory Movement, Somos Movement and Renace. The Communist Party, despite not having signed the agreement of November 15, supports the option "I approve" of the New Constitution and "Constitutional Convention."

On October 3, 2021, the scandal called Pandora Papers occurred, in which the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) revealed documents related to offshore accounts of various personalities, including the President of Chile, Sebastián Piñera; In this case, documents are presented that reveal that the sale of his participation in the Dominga mining company to Carlos Alberto Délano was carried out in 2010 in the British Virgin Islands with the condition that the last of the three installments of the transaction was subject to that there were no regulatory changes that would affect the development of the mining and port project located in the commune of La Higuera (Coquimbo Region). This caused the opposition in congress to present a second Constitutional Accusation against Piñera, according to the arguments put forward by the deputies who presented the accusation, said changes depended exclusively on Piñera, who in 2010 assumed the presidency of the Republic for the first time. The accusation stated that acts of the Piñera administration would have seriously compromised the honor of the Nation and that he would have openly violated the Constitution and the laws; in particular, it maintained that Piñera had openly infringed article 8, which refers to the principle of probity, which had been breached as a result of revelations arising from the Pandora Papers case. The deputies of the Communist Party, those of the Social Green Regionalist Federation, as well as the deputies belonging to the Broad Front voted in favor of the second Constitutional Accusation against President Sebastián Piñera, however this was rejected on November 16, 2021 in the Senate as it did not obtain the necessary quorum to be approved.

In addition to the constitutional accusations against Piñera and Chadwick, the Communist Party has also supported the accusations against different government authorities, such as Jaime Mañalich, Felipe Guevara, Víctor Pérez Varela, Marcela Cubillos, Raúl Figueroa and Emilio Santelices, who did not were approved.

I approve of Dignity, I support Boric and return to government (2021-present)

Apruebo Dignity Coalition Logo.

Apruebo Dignity leaders supporting Gabriel Boric in 2021.

On January 11, 2021, the Chile Digno conglomerate joins the Broad Front in the Apruebo Dignidad coalition, this within the framework of the constituent convention elections, which were held jointly with the municipal elections, however, in the latter the Chile Digno conglomerate did not participate in a single list with the Broad Front, for which reason it presented its militants separately, belonging to the Communist Party and the Social Green Regionalist Federation. Regarding the results, the PCCh obtains 6 mayoralties from the hand of the militants Cristóbal Zúñiga Arancibia, Bernardo Leyton Lemus, Aldo Retamal Arriagada, Javiera Reyes Jara, Irací Hassler Jacob and Daniel Jadue Jadue, the latter who ran for re-election for a second time, on the other hand, the party obtains 157 council seats. In total, the Chile Digno, Verde y Soberano pact obtained 9 mayoralties and 205 councilors nationwide. Regarding the results in the elections for conventional constituents, the I Approve Dignity coalition obtains 28 seats, of which 7 are from the Communist Party: Carolina Videla, Hugo Gutiérrez, Ericka Portilla, Valentina Miranda, Bárbara Sepúlveda, Marcos Barraza and Vanessa Hoppe.

In July 2021, the presidential primaries of the I Approve Dignity coalition are held, in which the candidates Daniel Jadue (PCCh) representing Chile Digno and Gabriel Boric (CS) representing the Broad Front participate, the results show as winning the latter with 1,058,027 votes, compared to 692,862 votes for Jadue. Therefore, Gabriel Boric becomes the presidential standard-bearer of the Approve Dignity coalition representing his parties.

In the first presidential round, José Antonio Kast obtained the advantage over Boric with 1,961,387 votes compared to 1,814,777 respectively, for which different parties belonging to the former New Majority gave their unconditional support to Gabriel boric. In turn, in the parliamentary elections held on the same day, the Communist Party managed to return to the Senate for the first time in almost 50 years (the last time was in the 1973 parliamentary election, a few months before the coup against Salvador Allende), thus the hand of Claudia Pascual and Daniel Núñez. While in the Chamber of Deputies, he manages to raise his representation to 12 seats.

For the second presidential round, Gabriel Boric was victorious with 4,620,890 votes, compared to 3,650,088 for his contender, José Antonio Kast. With this Boric becomes the most voted president in the history of Chile, as well as the youngest in the country. Consequently, the Communist Party returns to government for the second time since the return to democracy in 1990.

On January 21, 2022, President-elect Gabriel Boric appoints his ministerial cabinet made up of 14 women and 10 men, making it the cabinet with the most representation of women in the country's history. Among the communist figures who enter the government are Camila Vallejo who will assume the General Secretariat of Government, Jeannette Jara in the portfolio of Labor and Social Welfare and Flavio Salazar in the Ministry of Science, Technology, Knowledge and Innovation.

On February 1, 2022, Boric appoints the undersecretaries, 20 men and 19 women, respectively. The Communist Party militants are present in six undersecretaries: in the Armed Forces with Galo Eidelstein Silber, in Economy and Smaller Companies with Javiera Petersen Muga (being the youngest in the cabinet), in Education with Nicolás Cataldo Astorga, in Justice with Jaime Gajardo Falcón, in Telecommunications with Claudio Araya San Martín and in Energy with Julio Maturana Franca.

On February 28, 2022, Boric appointed the Regional and Provincial Presidential Delegates whose task is to coordinate the functions of Interior Government, Public Security, emergencies and public services of each region and province of Chile, the delegates they assumed their functions on March 11, 2022, along with the entire Boric government. The PCCh militants are present in two regional divisions: in the Valparaíso Regional Presidential Delegation led by Sofía González Cortés and in the Los Ríos Regional Presidential Delegation with Paola Peña Marín, becoming the first PCCh militants to lead and head a delegation directly representing the executive (a position that was previously equivalent to that of mayor), on the other hand, President Boric also appointed five PCCh militants in the provincial delegations of: Chañaral with Jorge Fernández Herrera, Limarí in charge of Galo Luna Penna, Melipilla with Sandra Saavedra Lowenberger, Linares with Priscila González Carrillo and Punilla by Rocío Hizmeri Fernandez.

Symbols

Flag of the CCP.

The typical shield of the Communist Party of Chile is made up of a hammer and sickle in the center of a red and blue circle, colors that represent the country and the homeland. Above this figure is denoted a star, and finally surrounded the whole with two olive branches to the left and right.

Activities

Fiesta de los Abrazos 2015.

Every January 1, the PCCh holds the "Caldillo", where journalists from all media outlets are invited to eat to recover from the hangover from the New Year party. In addition, in the same month of January, the CCP holds the so-called Hugs Festival in Santiago, generally the first weekend after the New Year, a great party is held in O'Higgins Park, where there are exhibitions, music, debate, food, etc.

During the national holidays, he sets up an inn called "La Chingana de los Abrazos" in the O'Higgins Park for the collection of funds, this fonda being one of the largest in the Park.

Media

Seller of the Century

The media include the weekly newspaper El Siglo, founded in August 1940, the magazine Pluma y Pincel and Radio Nuevo Mundo, 930 AM in Santiago and its national chain of FM stations from Iquique to Puntas Arenas.

Authorities

Parliamentarians

Senators

The Communist Party of Chile has 2 senators in office for the period 2022-2030.

Deputies

The Communist Party of Chile has 12 deputies in office for the LVI legislative period of the National Congress of Chile

Regional Councilors

The Communist Party of Chile has 21 regional advisors, nineteen militants and two independents (*) supported by the party, for the period 2022-2026, with the exception of the regions of La Araucanía, Los Ríos, Los Lagos and Aysén.

Mayors and councilors

The Communist Party of Chile has 6 mayors in the period 2021-2024.

The Communist Party of Chile has 157 councilors, including militants and independents supported by the party, in the period 2021-2024.

Leadership

The name of the position from its foundation (1922) until the XXII National Congress (2002) was Secretary General. The reform of the statutes of the XXII Congress calls him president. Therefore, the national leadership of the PCCh is made up of the Central Committee (elected by the National Congress) elects the president (general secretary between 1922-2002), general secretary (general under-secretary between 1922-2002), the Political Commission and the Secretariat.

President

• Between 1922 and 2002 there was the office of President, but rather honorary, occupied by Elías Lafferte (1956 until his death in 1961).

Chairman/a		Home	Final	Other charges
	Gladys Marin Millie	2002	2005	Member of Santiago (1965-1973) General Secretary of Communist Youth (1965-1974) Secretary General of the Communist Party of Chile (1994-2002)
	Guillermo Teillier del Valle	2005	Position	Member of Santiago (2010-2022) Secretary General of the Communist Party of Chile (2002-2005)

General Secretary

Secretary/a		Home	Final	Other charges
	Ramón Sepúlveda Leal	1922	1924	Member of Valparaiso (1926-1932)
	Luis A. González	1922	1924
	Galvary Gil	1924	1925
	Maclovio Galdames	1925	1926
	José Santos Zavala	1927	1927
	Isaiah Iriarte	1927	1929
	Carlos Contreras Labarca	1931	1946	Magellan Senator (1961-1969) Minister of Public Works and Communication Ways (1946-1947) Senator for Santiago (1941-1946) Member of Arica (1937-1941; 1926-1930)
	Ricardo Fonseca Aguayo	1946	1948	Member of Arica (1941-1949)
	Galo González Díaz	1948	1958
	Luis Corvalán Lepe	1958	1990	Valparaiso Senator (1969-1973) Senator for Biobío (1961-1969)
	Volodia Teitelboim Volosky	1990	1994	Senator for Santiago (1965-1973) Member of Valparaiso (1961-1965)
	Gladys Marin Millie	1994	2002	Member of Santiago (1965-1973) General Secretary of Communist Youth (1965-1974)
	Guillermo Teillier del Valle	2002	2005	Member of Santiago (2010-2022)
	Lautaro Carmona Soto	2005	Position	Member of Atacama (2010-2018) General Secretary of the Communist Youth (1979-1989)

National Congresses

National Congress of the Communist Party, 1973.

From 1912 to date, the Communist Party has developed 25 National Congresses, the first with the name of the Socialist Workers Party until the IV Congress in which the adhesion to the Communist International is decided and the name of the Communist Party is adopted.

• I Congress - 1 and 2 May 1915. Santiago
• II Congress - 1 and 2 June 1920. Antofagasta
• III Congress - 25 and 26 December 1920. Valparaiso
• IV Congress - 1 and 2 January 1922. Rancagua
• V Congress - December 1923. Chillán
• VI Congress - 18 and 19 September 1924. Viña del Mar
• VII Congress - 25 and 26 December 1925. Santiago
• VIII Congress - 1 and 2 January 1927. Santiago
• IX Congress - 30 March and early April 1933. Lo Ovalle, Santiago and Cárcel Pública de Santiago
• X Congress - 10-16 April 1938. Santiago
• XI Congress - 21-23 December 1939. Santiago
• XII Congress - 26 December 1941 to 1 January 1942. Santiago
• XIII Congress - 8 to 15 December 1945. Santiago
• XIV Congress - April 1956. Cartagena
• XV Congress - 18-23 November 1958. Santiago
• XVI Congress - 13-18 March 1962. Santiago
• XVII Congress - 10-17 October 1965. Santiago
• XVIII Congress - 23-29 November 1969. Santiago
• XIX Congress - May 1989. Costa Azul
• XX Congress - 11-15 August 1994. Santiago
• XXI Congress - 15-18 October 1998. Santiago
• XXII Congress - 31 October - 3 November 2002. Santiago
• XXIII Congress - 24 - 26 November 2006. Santiago
• XXIV Congress - 10-12 December 2010. Santiago
• XXV Congress - 1-3 April 2016. Santiago
• XXVI Congress - 20-22 November 2020. Santiago

Candidates for the Presidency of Chile

Election results

Parliamentary elections

Note 1: Between the 1949 and 1953 parliamentary elections, the CCP was banned under the Permanent Defense of Democracy Law, but ran candidates through the (Authentic Socialist Party, People's Front) and Action Front Popular, indicating only the number of elected parliamentarians.

Note 2: In the 1989 parliamentary elections, the PCCh was outlawed and had to present itself with the legal sponsorship of the Broad Socialist Left Party, which also brought together sectors of the also banned Socialist Party, MAPU and Christian Left.

Regional governor elections

Regional councilor elections

Municipal elections

Note: Between 1992 and 2000, people voted only to elect councillors. As of 2004, the votes for mayor and councilors are carried out separately.

Elections of conventional constituents

Elections of constitutional councilors

Campaign slogans