Arturo Jauretche

Arturo Martín Jauretche (Lincoln, Buenos Aires province, November 13, 1901 – Buenos Aires, May 25, 1974) was an Argentine thinker, writer and politician. He is a relevant figure of the Radical Civic Union and Peronism from the so-called Loyalty Day on October 17, 1945.

Youth

After spending his childhood and adolescence in Lincoln, he moved to Buenos Aires. He sympathized with the new model of social integration promoted by the Radical Civic Union, joining the party on the side of Hipólito Yrigoyen, the so-called personalist radicals; The influence of the poet and composer Homero Manzi was important in this, who saw in it a new and beneficial policy of insertion of the working classes, with whom Jauretche's rural origin made him sympathize. As a boy, his motto was to help the poor and lower-class neighborhoods so that they could be part of the country's politics.

In 1928, when Yrigoyen assumed his second term after the interlude of the government of Marcelo T. de Alvear, he was appointed civil servant, although only briefly; two years later, the army promoted the first coup d'état of the constitutional era in Argentina, beginning the so-called Infamous Decade. Jauretche fought the insurgents with arms, and later developed intense political activity against them. In 1933, in Corrientes, he took part in the uprising of colonels Roberto Bosch and Gregorio Pomar, who had not participated in the revolution of September 6, 1930. After becoming a Yrigoyenista, after the 1930 coup, he participated in the uprising of 1933 in Paso de los Libres –to which he dedicated a long poem-.

After the defeat of the uprising, he was imprisoned; in prison he would write his version of the episodes in the form of a gaucho poem, which he titled El Paso de los Libres . He would publish it in 1934 with a foreword by Jorge Luis Borges, from whom, however, issues of social and cultural policy would increasingly separate him.

FORGE

Jauretche's conflict with the leading line of radicalism, headed by Alvear, did not take long to deepen; When the latter decided in 1939 to lift the decision not to stand in the elections to show the party's disagreement with the prevailing regime, an important group on the left of radicalism decided to form a dissident group. Together with Homero Manzi, Luis Dellepiane, Gabriel del Mazo, Raúl Scalabrini Ortiz, Manuel Ortiz Pereyra and others, he founded FORJA (acronym for Radical Orientation Force of the Young Argentina), which would develop the guidelines of democratic nationalism, opposed at the same time to nationalism. conservative of the reactionary sectors and the liberalizing policy of the government of Agustín P. Justo. Marginalized from the party political sphere, FORJA's acts were carried out mainly through street demonstrations and self-edited publications (known as FORJA's Notebooks).

In them they criticized the government's measures, starting with the Roca-Runciman pact, and argued that the Central Bank had been founded so that English finance men could control the Argentine monetary and financial system, that the Corporation had been formed of Transport so that the British railways would not have competition, that it was not convenient to break relations with the Soviet Union, since this could mean an important buyer of Argentine agricultural products. With respect to internal politics, they argued that the Justo government was intervening in the provinces where parties opposed to the government were winning, and that wages and unemployment had worsened. One of its unconditional principles was the maintenance of Argentine neutrality before the next World War II, being the only party that supported it.

Around 1940 Jauretche broke with Dellepiane and del Mazo, who rejoined the official line of the UCR. FORGE was thus radicalized, giving rise to more nationalist elements. Raúl Scalabrini Ortiz, always close to the ideology of the movement, joined it, forming together with Jauretche the leading duo. He would depart again around 1943, leaving Jauretche alone at the helm. His opposition to the government of Ramón Castillo was vehement, and although he was skeptical of the intentions of the military that overthrew him, his firm position of neutrality in the face of World War II made him greet the government of Pedro Pablo Ramírez with sympathy, and when the Group of United Officers in turn overthrew Ramírez for giving in to US pressure and breaking relations with the Axis, Jauretche was close to the ascendant Colonel Juan Domingo Perón, Secretary of Labor and Welfare.

Perón's government

Although always critical, he adhered to Peronism since October 17, 1945. Supported by Domingo Mercante, governor of the province of Buenos Aires, and close to the economic program of Miguel Miranda, who promoted an accelerated industrialization project promoted by the With the idea of using the excellent returns from the agro-export model during the Second World War to transform the productive profile of the country, he was appointed president of the Banco de la Provincia de Buenos Aires in 1946, a position from which he developed a policy credit generous with industrialization projects and that he would occupy until 1951 when he was fired when the Visca Commission learned that the Bank had granted a loan of 216 million pesos to La Prensa to buy a rotary press.

After the Civic-Military coup d'état calling itself the Liberating Revolution, which overthrew President Juan Domingo Perón, his nephew Ernesto Jauretche recalled that when he learned of Perón's flight he was furious and yelled: "Son of a bitch, coward! shit, he leaves us alone!".

The opposition to Aramburu and exile

He would not appear publicly again until the Revolución Libertadora overthrew Perón in 1955; Exempt from political persecution for having been away from the government in recent years,^{[citation needed]} he founded the weekly El '45 to defend what he considered the 10 years of popular government, harshly criticizing the political, economic and social action of the de facto regime, but it was closed at the third number. the "Blue and White" and "Second Republic" (between 1955-70). In 1956 he would publish the essay The Prebisch Plan: return to colonialism , criticizing the report that Raúl Prebisch, secretary of the Economic Commission for Latin America (C.E.P.A.L.), had made at the request of the Pedro Eugenio Aramburu regime.. The harshness of his opposition would earn him political persecution and exile in Montevideo.

From abroad he published in 1957 Los profetas del odio, a study on class relations in Argentina since the rise of Peronism in which he criticized various approaches to Argentine political history that enjoyed considerable influence, especially that of Ezequiel Martínez Estrada. Jauretche interpreted these allusions as expressions of the prejudices of the intellectual middle class, irritated by the irruption of novel actors in a political environment that had been exclusive to the bourgeoisie since the '80s; although the material interests of this class were linked to the development of a dense layer of consumers, their habits imposed on them a spontaneous —almost racist— reticence; the assimilation of tilinguery with racism is explicit in her work — towards the habits of the popular classes, a & # 34;myopia & # 34; that Jauretche would repeatedly criticize in her successive works. She also against the representation that the middle class made of the Peronist organization, as motivated by "resentment"; against the wealthiest, she complained in a friendly letter to the scientist and writer Ernesto Sabato; in which she stated:

What mobilized the masses towards Perón was not resentment, was hope. Remember those crowds of October '45, the city's owners for two days, who did not break a stained glass window and whose greatest crime was washed feet in the Plaza de Mayo, causing the outrage of the lady of Oyuela, surrounded by sanitary artefacts. Remember those crowds, even in tragic circumstances and will always remember them singing in choir—thing absolutely unusual among us—and so many singers still, who have had to forbid singing by decree-law. They weren't resentful. They were cheerful criollos because they could throw the alpargatas to buy shoes and even books, photo albums, veranear, concurrir to the restaurants, have insurance the bread and the roof and even asomar to "western" life forms that had been denied to them until then.

Jauretche, The prophets of hatred

Jauretche's proposal was one of integration, to the extent that the common interests of the bourgeoisie and proletariat are in the development of a solid national economy. In Los profetas del odio he would outline for the first time his representation of what he understood as the main opposition to national development, the liberal and cosmopolitan intelligentsia, which, fascinated with European culture, would try to apply it uncritically to the Argentine situation, without being aware of the historical differences and the different positions that the continents occupy in the international articulation of the economy.

Jauretche and revisionism

The nascent historical revisionism would ally itself in Jauretche's work with his interpretation of contemporary reality. Although revisionist authors had been advocating a reinterpretation of Argentine history —criticizing the canonical vision, enshrined above all by Bartolomé Miter y Sarmiento, who had represented national development in terms of the opposition between civilization and barbarism— since the 1930s, it would not be until the Revolución Libertadora explicitly identified Perón with Juan Manuel de Rosas that it would begin to gain strength. Just as Aramburu's supporters had identified the coup against Perón as "a new Caseros," revisionist historians would pick up the gauntlet, but seeing in Caseros the beginning of a historical failure, which the Rosas government would have kept at bay. line synthesizing as far as possible the interests of the different classes:

The Mayo-Caseros Line has been the best instrument to provoke the analogies that establish between the past and the present the historical comprehension (...) The Frame of revisionists these Freedomrs! So he reasoned that they showed us that this was the new Homer, so that my countrymen would realize, once and for all, what the other was. And a somewhat massive dose of cypayism so that my countrymen would definitely notice what the Brazilian troops meant by parading the vanguard—more visible but less noisy than the spikes—of the other liberating army.

Jauretche, Let's learn to read the newspapers

Jauretche's work —and the forjista intelligentsia in general— was one of the key axes for the transformation of historical revisionism, which allyed with nationalism of an aristocratic and Creole stamp in the preceding decades —when national identity was being built in the simultaneous opposition to British capital and European immigration, repudiated by the liberal base of the policy that had opened the country's doors to it—began to rethink itself as an expression of the popular in a broad sense, integrating the protests of the labor movement to the montonera tradition. In Perón's government, pragmatic considerations had stopped the reconsideration, advocated by José María Rosa and other precursors; With this fallen, the politicization of historical interpretation would become evident, following the course marked by the deep political and cultural radicalization of the time.

In 1959 Jauretche published National Policy and Historical Revisionism, where he elaborated his own position within a deeply divided revisionist current, both with respect to its relationship with the bases that had made it possible in the preceding decades, as with respect to properly historical questions. In that work he made a relatively generous assessment of the figure of Rosas -which he considered the & # 34; possible synthesis & # 34; of the situation at the time - and relatively critical of the federal leaders of the interior. With this, he marked his difference with the position of Jorge Abelardo Ramos, Rodolfo Puiggrós or Rodolfo Ortega Peña, who expressed at the same time a criticism of rosismo —understood as an attenuated version of the centralism of the port— and a strong fear of the atavistic roots of nationalism. traditionalist, in which they saw not a few features of fascism. In the division between revisionists and critics of revisionism, which to a large extent cut across the left and right, Jauretche decidedly adopted the first trend.

Meanwhile, and advocating any means that would allow the continuity of the Revolución Libertadora to be interrupted, he followed Perón's line, within the framework of the general agreement of Peronism with the Intransigent Radical Civic Union, by promote the vote for Arturo Frondizi. During Frondizi's presidency, however, he was extremely critical of his development program and his promotion of foreign investment (especially in oil); together with the rupture of the agreement made with Perón, by which under his government the lifting of the proscription that had been maintained since the Liberating Revolution would be guaranteed. When this was not respected, in 1961 he ran for national senator, in a close election in which several candidates divided the Peronist votes, finally consecrating the socialist Alfredo Palacios.

Jauretche writer

The exhaustion of his political possibilities induced Jaureteche to resume his pen in the '60s, he would publish frequently and intensely, both in magazines and newspapers as well as in essay volumes that would be great successes with the public. In 1962, Forge and the Infamous Decade appeared, two years later Edge, counter-edge and point, and in 1966 The medium hair in Argentine society, a stinging appeal to the middle class that has immediate repercussions. His affinity with the CGT de los Argentinos led him to join the National Affirmation Commission of the Central.

In 1968 he published his Manual de zoneras argentinas, a list of negative ideas about his own country that Argentines generally have. These, he claimed, would have been introduced into the consciousness of all citizens since primary education and subsequently supported by the press. Phrases like Sarmienta's The evil that afflicts Argentina is extension, plus the dichotomy "civilization or barbarism" (She was, Jauretche said: the mother who gave birth to all nonsense) and the like, according to Jauretche, lead to the limitation of Argentina's possibilities of self-realization. In 1972 he publishes From memory. Shorts. It was the first volume of a trilogy that had to rescue the memories of her life and the political and national teachings that she left behind. This first volume, which brings together his childhood memories in Lincoln, Buenos Aires province, was the only one he published. Her death prevented him from publishing her sequels. About his ability to create or adapt terms to define political attitudes, he himself wrote about the words sepoy , oligarch and homeless seller :

“I think I was the inventor of the word ‘for sale’ or at least its initial disclosure, from the weekly Signals. The use of the expression ‘oligarchy’ in today’s popular sense, as well as expressions for sale and cipayoI popularized them from the newspaper Signals and others of ephemeral life in the years after the revolution of 1930. ”

Works

• 1934: El Paso de los Libres. Edition promoted by Jorge Luis Borges. A second edition in 1960 will lead the prologue of Jorge Abelardo Ramos.
• 1956: The Prebisch Plan: return to colony
• 1957: The Prophets of Hate and Yapa (ISBN: 9789500532150)
• 1958: Army and Politics
• 1959: National policy and historical revisionism (ISBN: 9789500532136)
• 1960: Prose of axe and chalk (ISBN: 9789500532143)
• 1962: Forja y la Década Infame (ISBN: 9789500532129)
• 1964: Row, counter and tip
• 1966: The medium hair in Argentine society (ISBN paper: 9789500530613. ISBN ebook: 9789500531894)
• 1968: Manual de zonceras argentinas (ISBN paper: 9789500530620. ISBN ebook: 9789500530620)
• 1969: Hand in hand between us
• 1972: Shorts
• 1977: Politics and economy (Phost Edition)
• 2002: Unpublished writings (Phost Edition)

Jauretche and Freemasonry

Official shield of the Jauretche Lodge No. 678

As can be verified through the official website of the Order, Jauretche entered Argentine Freemasonry in the Bernardino Rivadavia Lodge No. 364, around 1934. He was sponsored by Gabriel Del Mazo. Although his initiation was related to the need to obtain political protection, he found there a way to align himself ideologically with other intellectuals.

In the publication “La Masonería II”, the journalist Emilio Corbière narrates that Agustín P. Justo and Julio Argentino Roca, both belonging to Argentine Freemasonry, avoided confrontations with the members of the fraternity and did not put up obstacles to the initiation of Jauretche, Homero Manzi, Atilio García Mellid and José Constantino Barro. "We entered with the idea that we could be politically protected within Freemasonry," Jauretche told the journalist Rogelio García Luppo, in 1974, months before he died, while they were working at EUDEBA (Publishing House of the University of Buenos Aires).

Tributes

In his tribute, the School of Secondary Education No. 02 of the City of Buenos Aires "Arturo Jauretche" A street in Puerto Madryn also bears his name and an agrarian school in the south of Luján de Cuyo, in Paraná, Entre Ríos Secondary School No. 21 is called "Arturo Jauretche" and a school in the seaside resort of Santa Teresita. In 2014, the monument to Arturo Jauretche was inaugurated, located in the Rodolfo Ortega Peña Square, on Avenida 9 de Julio and Arenales, in the city of Buenos Aires. and a square in Lincoln. In the city of La Rioja a street is named after him. On that street there is a house where Jauretche lived for a while in 1972 when he wrote “De Pantalones Cortos”.

The Arturo Jauretche National University also bears his name, an Argentine public university based in Florencio Varela, the head city of the homonymous party. It was founded by law No. 26,576

In the Province of Salta, in 2010 the Arturo M. Jauretche Institute of Higher Education was inaugurated, where the Technical Degree in Public Administration with Orientation in Public Policy Management is taught, a title with national validity that trains technicians to enrich public affairs. Res. Min. 118/10 Ministry of Education of the Province of Salta. http://iesjauretche.salta.gob.ar/

In general culture, the rock band Los Piojos wrote him a song called San Jauretche, from the album Verde paisaje del inferno in which he talks about Argentine society and as Arturo Jauretche had explained it.

At the end of the 1980s, a bust was inaugurated located at Diagonal 79 and Calle 57, city of La Plata, Argentina (coordinates 34°54′57″S 57°56′ 30″W / -34.9157332, -57.9416686).

In 2004, President Néstor Kirchner decreed that November 13, the day Jauretche was born, be the day of national thought.

A lodge of the Argentine Grand Lodge of Free and Accepted Masons bears his name, named Arturo Jauretche N° 678.