Alexander Toledo

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Alejandro Celestino Toledo Manrique (Cabana, Áncash, Peru, March 28, 1946) is a Peruvian economist and politician. He was President of the Republic of Peru from July 28, 2001 until the July 28, 2006. He took office in democratic elections after the transitional government of Valentín Paniagua.

He studied at the University of San Francisco and then at Stanford University. He was originally linked to the technical and academic field, from where he participated as an analyst on politics and economy on some occasions. He entered active politics by founding the País Posible party, participating for the first time in the 1995 elections. In 2000 he managed to become the largest opposition leader to the government of Alberto Fujimori, before whom, in the midst of a controversial and troubled process, he lost the elections for the second time. After the transition stage and the return of democracy in Peru, he participated for the third time in the 2001 elections together with Lourdes Flores (UN) and Alan García (PAP); he competed with the latter in the second round, where he was victorious with 53.08% of valid votes.

His government was characterized by the consolidation of the country's macroeconomic development, promoting foreign investment, the signing of free trade agreements and the implementation of various investment projects in infrastructure and human development. During his tenure, Toledo suffered a crisis of governance, scandals in his personal life and allegations of corruption against his environment, signs that hit his popularity until it fell to 8% approval by the citizenry. Later, he would try to return to the Government Palace as a presidential candidate for Peru Posible in the general elections of 2011 and 2016, being in fourth and eighth place respectively.

Following his presidency, he served as a Distinguished Fellow-in-Residence at Stanford University's Center for Advanced Study and Behavioral Sciences and has been a visiting professor at the Institute's Center for Democracy, Development, and Law Enforcement Freeman Spogli. Toledo has been a speaker at conferences in different countries on economy, inclusion and democracy, as well as leader of his political party. In 2006 he founded the Global Center for Development and Democracy, an organization with which he promotes sustainable democracies; and between 2009 and 2010 he was visiting professor at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies in Foreign Policy and Global Economy and Development and professor of Foreign Policy at the Brookings Institution.

On July 16, 2019, he was arrested in the United States for extradition to Peru, according to the Public Ministry. On August 8, Graham Archer, the ex-president's public defender, requested a request for bail before the judge American Thomas S. Hixson. On September 12, 2019, the judge ruled his request for reconsideration inadmissible. However, on March 19, 2020, he was granted bail.

Early Years

Alejandro Toledo was born in the Centro Poblado de Ferrer in the district of Bolognesi, but was registered in the neighboring district of Cabana, in the province of Pallasca, in the Áncash Region, on March 28, 1946. His parents were Anatolio Toledo Campos (a native of Nazca, of Ayacuchana and Arequipa ancestry) and Margarita Manrique, a family of low-income peasants.

He was the eighth of sixteen children, of whom only nine survived due to the precarious conditions in which his family lived. In 1950, his family moved to Chimbote in search of a better future through anchovy fishing.

Education and professional experience

He worked as a businessman to contribute to the family economy, which was very precarious. These activities were followed in parallel with his primary studies.

He completed his secondary studies at the Gran Unidad Escolar San Pedro de Chimbote, where he stood out for his mathematical skills; in his last year of studies he got a scholarship to the University of San Francisco through some volunteers from the United States Peace Corps.

He studied Economics and Business Administration at the University of San Francisco, where he graduated in 1970; after that he obtained a master's degree in Education (1972) and another in Economics of Human Resources (1974), both at Stanford University. It is at this university where he met Eliane Karp, whom he married on January 20, 1979, in Sunnyvale, California, USA. They divorced in 1992 and remarried in 1997.

In 1974 he served as a consultant at the Stanford Research Institute (SRI). The following year (1975) he moved to Paris, where he was Senior Research Fellow at the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). He returned to Peru in 1976 to be part of the Committee of Economic Advisors of the Central Reserve Bank of Peru and the Ministry of Labor.

In 1978 he was a consultant to the Inter-American Development Bank in Washington D.C. and Associate Professor of Economics at American University. The following year, he worked as a Senior Human Resources Economist at the World Bank.

From 1983 to 1985 he provided technical advice to the executive branch and since 1986 he taught at the Graduate School of Business Administration (ESAN), where he was its Director and where he remains a licensed professor.

In 1989 he traveled to New York and was leader of the UNDP and ILO mission to evaluate the: "Impact of Macroeconomic Policies on Growth, Employment and Wages" in six Central American countries.

From 1991 to 1994 he was a fellow at Harvard University's Institute for International Development, and a visiting professor at Waseda University in Tokyo. In 1993 he returned to Stanford University to complete a PhD in Economics of Human Resources.

Entry into politics

1995 General Election

In December 1994, he announced his candidacy for the 1995 presidential elections, heading the electoral group Perú Posible, which established an alliance with the Coordinadora Democrática, called CODE - País Posible.

Toledo was designated the alliance's candidate and despite reaching, in previous polls, a growing 11% (a fact that led him to be described as the "Toledo phenomenon") in the official results he only reached 3.5% of the votes validly cast. Those elections were won with more than 62% of the preferences by the then President Fujimori.

Kidnapping

Alejandro Toledo attended the reception for the birth of the Emperor of Japan, given in December 1996 at the residence of the Japanese ambassador in San Isidro. The house was taken over by the Peruvian terrorist organization Movimiento Revolucionario Túpac Amaru, Toledo was briefly kidnapped in the so-called Takeover of the residence of the Japanese ambassador in Lima. After tense negotiations, Alejandro Toledo, Javier Diez Canseco and the ambassadors of Brazil, Korea and Egypt are released but not before being forced to read an MRTA proclamation. The rest of the kidnapped remained in place, and were later rescued by army commandos who stormed the residence in Operation Chavín de Huántar.

2000 General Election

For the 2000 electoral process, Toledo ran as head of his own group called the Posible Peru Political Party. This process was involved in controversy due to the decision of the then President Alberto Fujimori to run for a second constitutional term according to the new Constitution already in force since 1993.

In the interests of unity against the Fujimori regime, Toledo urged the opposition political parties to present a single candidate, holding talks with Luis Castañeda Lossio and Alberto Andrade Carmona to achieve this. When this attempt failed, the opposition leaders urged people to vote for Toledo to prevent Fujimori from winning in the first round. For Parliament, many of his candidates were selected from the ranks of the Popular Christian Party.

Its presidential staff was made up of Carlos Ferrero Costa (First Vice Presidency), lawyer and former ally of President Fujimori; and by David Waisman (Second Vice President), businessman and leader of Perú Posible.

Peru Presidential Plant Possible for the 2000 General Elections
Candidates
Presidency to the First Vice-Chair to the 2nd Vice-Chair
Alejandro Toledo Carlos Ferrero Costa David Waisman

First lap

In an election process riddled with criticism from national and international observers, Toledo came in a disputed second place with 40.3% of the preferences compared to 49.8% for Alberto Fujimori.

  • Results of the first round: (valid vote)
    • Peruvian Electoral Alliance 2000: 528 394 (49.87 %)
    • Peru Party Possible: 460 812 (40.24 %)
    • Other: 1 095 311 (9.89 %)

Round Two

Due to the allegations of fraud that existed after the election, Toledo announced, on May 18, 2000, that he would not appear in the second round if it was not postponed for two weeks and all the comments made were corrected. Given the lack of response, on May 26 of that year, Toledo gave up (but did not make his resignation official before the JNE) from participating in the second round, asking voters to vote blank or flawed.

On election day (May 28), in the traditional "electoral flash", there were 25.6% of validly cast votes in favor of Toledo while the blank and flawed votes reached 31%. This awarded the victory to Alberto Fujimori.

  • Results of the second round: (valid vote)
    • Peruvian Electoral Alliance 2000: 6 041 685 (74.33 %)
    • Peru Party Possible: 2 086 215 (25.66 %)

Opposition to the regime of Alberto Fujimori

Since that date, Toledo led what he called a "peaceful resistance" against the third term of Fujimori's government. On July 28, 2000, there was a day of national protest called La Marcha de los Cuatro Suyos, in which there were such national figures (elected congressmen, journalists, ordinary people who walked long distances to get to the march). as well as international figures attended to show their support, as was the case of former Argentine president Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989).

Unfortunately, the march would turn into a tragedy, as criminals allegedly sent by Vladimiro Montesinos, head of the National Intelligence Service and right-hand man of President Alberto Fujimori until then, were infiltrated, causing destruction to public property and set fire to one of the most important premises of the state Bank of the Nation, also caused the death of six security guards who were there. These incidents placed further political pressure on President Alberto Fujimori. Months after the march the "Vladivideos" that would mark the end of the Fujimori regime, who a few months later would flee the country and take refuge in Japan, from where he would fax his resignation to the Presidency of the Republic.

2001 General Election

After the resignation of Fujimori and his self-exile in Japan, on November 22, 2000, the president of the Congress, Valentín Paniagua Corazao, temporarily assumed the presidency of the Republic and during his term called elections for May 2001.

Toledo Manrique's presidential staff was made up of businessman Raúl Díez-Canseco (First Vice President) and David Waisman (Second Vice President), congressman and leader of Perú Posible.

Peru Presidential Plant Possible for the 2001 General Elections
Candidates
Presidency to the First Vice-Chair to the 2nd Vice-Chair
Alejandro Toledo Raúl Díez-Canseco David Waisman

First lap

As the pollsters indicated weeks before the elections, no candidate exceeded the required 50% plus 1 vote, so the two participants who obtained the most votes (Alejandro Toledo and Alan García) went to a second round, which It was made on June 3, 2001.

  • Results of the first round: (valid vote)
    • Peru Possible: 3 871 167 (36.51 %)
    • Peruvian Aprist Party: 2 732 857 (25.77 %)
    • National Unit: 2 576 653 (24.30 %)
    • Other: 1 421 043 (13.42 %)

Round Two

With agreements between the negotiators of the parties that went to the second round and the help of the Civil Association "Transparencia", they resulted in the programming of the presidential debate. This took place on May 19, at 8:00 p.m. between the presidential candidates of each party: Alejandro Toledo (Perú Posible) and Alan García (APRA), at the "Marriott Hotel". The journalist Güido Lombardi was moderator.

On Election Day (June 3), in the traditional "electoral flash" The difference between the two candidates, although it decreased considerably after the debate, awarded the victory to Peru Posible and the defeat to Alan García with more than 5% difference.

  • Results of the second round: (valid vote)
    • Peru Possible: 5 548 209 (53.08 %)
    • Peruvian Aprist Party: 4 904 813 (46.92 %)

2011 General Election

On November 10, 2010, he announced his candidacy for the presidency through his official Twitter account, then through a press conference, he announced that he would be a candidate in the general elections of Peru in 2011; he also did it through commercials on the most tuned programs in the country.

Peru Presidential Plant Possible for the 2011 General Elections
Candidates
Presidency to the First Vice-Chair to the 2nd Vice-Chair
Alejandro Toledo Carlos Bruce Javier Reátegui

First lap

Toledo was in fourth place, thus being left out of the second round in which Ollanta Humala and Keiko Fujimori entered

  • Results of the first round: (valid vote)
  • Alliance Wins Peru 31,69 %
  • Force 2011 23.68 %
  • Alliance for Great Change 18.56 %
  • Alliance Peru Possible 15.60 %

2016 General Election

Toledo obtained 1.07% of votes cast and 1.30% of valid votes.

Peru Presidential Plant Possible for the 2016 General Elections
Candidates
Presidency to the First Vice-Chair to the 2nd Vice-Chair
Alejandro Toledo Marcial Ayaipoma Carmen Omonte

Government (2001-2006)

International scope

Alejandro Toledo, at the World Economic Forum.
Alejandro Toledo along with his Brazilian counterpart Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.

Toledo, already as President, proceeded to normalize diplomatic relations with the Venezuelan government, after being deteriorated during the interim government of his predecessor Valentín Paniagua, due to the case of Vladimiro Montesinos. These, however, would not last.

Relations with the Japanese government deteriorated from the outset after its refusal to extradite former President Fujimori, on charges of various crimes and where Toledo insisted on his surrender.

In the integrationist aspect, Toledo established economic agreements with Brazil, where joint projects to improve communications between the two countries and with Bolivia stand out. With the United States, he promoted and accelerated the negotiations for the Peru-U.S.A. Trade Promotion Agreement, along with Ecuador and Colombia.

The South American Community of Nations was his proposal to realize Simón Bolívar's dream of South American integration. This was the result of his relationships with his South American counterparts.

Toledo, along with Presidents Tabaré Vázquez of Uruguay and Sebastián Piñera of Chile, have been the only Latin American Heads of State to visit Israel officially. On this trip, he met with Israeli President Moshe Katsav (who gave military honors upon his arrival in the country) and then Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, followed by his presence at a special session of the Knesset. The reason for this trip was to promote in Israel the Peruvian export sector and Israeli investment in agriculture and technology in Peru.

In the same way, he proceeded to Jordan, where he discussed the economic exchange between the two countries and visited the Peruvian colony in said Arab nation. He did not meet, however, with the Palestinian president, Mahmud Abbas.

On October 28, 2005, a bill was presented in the Congress of the Republic of Peru that indicated the establishment of baselines for the definition of the maritime domain over the Pacific Ocean. Approved this project on November 3, 2005, it was promulgated by President Toledo the same day. The promulgation of this law generated a strong rejection by the government of the then Chilean President Ricardo Lagos, who obtained the support of the government of Ecuador to strengthen his position. This fact marked a distancing in the relationship between Peru and Chile, contrasting with the warm diplomatic relations that existed at the beginning of his government.

Despite the controversy that arose with these countries, various political personalities expressed their support for the government's position, which assured that this was an internal issue in Peru. Immediately, the government began a campaign to sign the nation to the "Sea Convention".

The surprise arrival of former President Alberto Fujimori to Chile, a few months before the General Elections, generated a political earthquake in his government due to the charges against Fujimori. They immediately proceeded to seek Fujimori's extradition to Peru, achieving a victory settled by the Chilean left, by securing his arrest and subsequent prosecution in Chile. After a long process, Chile granted Fujimori's extradition based on a series of crimes between they are those against humanity for which the ex-president has been prosecuted and found guilty

In 2006, diplomatic relations with Venezuela deteriorated again due to discrepancies with respect to AlCA, the Andean Community and accusing President Hugo Chávez of meddling in Peruvian internal affairs (specifically by expressing his unconditional support for the candidate president Ollanta Humala in the 2006 elections).

His government has had as milestones the Free Trade Agreements with Mercosur, the Andean Community and Thailand and the very important Trade Promotion Agreement (APC) with the United States that was approved by Congress Peruvian on June 26, 2006.

Local scope

Alejandro Toledo began his government with approximately 55% approval. Some scandals, exploited by the opposition, would soon make a dent in his approval; Thus, during a good part of his tenure, he had single percentage acceptance digits, with peaks of only 7%. In June and July 2002, there were strong demonstrations against the privatization of "Egasa" and "Egesur" (acquired by the Belgian company "Tractebel") with great intensity of riots, especially in Arequipa. The event had an even greater political impact due to the promise made by Toledo during his electoral campaign not to sell the energy companies. The protests led to the fall of Toledo's first cabinet and the establishment of a "State of Emergency" in that Region.

That same year, the Association for Human Rights (APRODEH) and relatives of the insurgents killed by the government during the Japanese Embassy Crisis began legal actions against the state. These were based primarily on the testimony of some former hostages, who claimed to have seen at least one of the ERRE members alive after the assault, which was later denied. Alejandro Toledo, committed to investigating the excesses committed by the Alberto Fujimori administration and respect for human rights, gave him his full support for the Armed Forces, approving that the "Chavín de Huantar" Command; will lead the 2002 Military Parade.

Alejandro Toledo (downtown), next to the mayor of Lima, Luis Castañeda Lossio.

In 2003, there was a general strike by state teachers between the months of June and July, along with other public sector doctors and nurses, the judiciary, and farmers and coca growers, which gave rise to a climate of misgovernment that culminated in the declaration of the State of emergency or exception, that is, the cutback of constitutional guarantees and freedoms for a month. The events once again led to the resignation of several ministers.

In 2004, there were strong rumors of a possible presidential vacancy, with a national strike called by the General Confederation of Workers (CGTP) and by the opposition, led by APRA with Alan García on July 14 of that year. Although the strike failed and the waters calmed down and the vacancy was not formally raised, it was used as an element of pressure from the political forces.

On January 1, 2005, retired Peruvian Army major Antauro Humala (brother of ex-soldier and former president Ollanta Humala) led, together with a group of followers called ethnocaceristas (indigenist nationalists), the assault and takeover of the Andahuaylas police station. The events immediately led to the resignation of the then Minister of the Interior, César Reátegui, leader of Perú Posible. The subversive action was revealed on January 3 with a balance of 4 policemen and 2 ethnocaceristas dead, and Antauro Humala was arrested.

On the last day of his government, President Toledo inaugurated the so-called Plaza de la Democracia, located in the place where the "Banco de la Nación" and the death of six security guards. The next day; minutes before arriving at Parliament to hand over power; He stated that despite the ups and downs of his administration, "I entered [the Presidency] through the front door and I'm leaving through the front door."

In the last six months of his term, there was an increase in approval of his management of between 10% and 30% at the national level. Toledo finished his term with a 47.1% approval rating in the capital, according to the CPI pollster.

National balance sheet

Several analysts and politicians –such as Rafael Rey, Martha Hildebrandt, sociologist Julio Cotler and psychoanalyst Jorge Bruce- consider that the government of Alejandro Toledo was a period of relative political and economic stability. His government undertook neoliberal measures, where macroeconomic statistics indicate sustained growth in the Peruvian economy and a majority approval of them. Among the engines of growth that began with the mining companies installed mainly in the past decade, we can name large-scale projects, such as the Camisea Gas or the Interoceanic Highway; as well as the growing expansion of various sectors such as construction, mining and agro-industry.

Toledo's economic policies can be described as neoliberal or strongly favorable free trade. It inherited a national economy that in the previous decade had experienced unstable GDP with periods of growth and contraction, as well as fiscal deficits that frequently amounted to more than 2% of GDP. Inflation had not fallen below 23% until 1995 and was still feared by many. In response, Toledo developed policies focused on combating poverty, generating employment, decentralizing government, and modernizing the state.

Among Toledo's initiatives designed to generate revenue and transform the economy were plans to privatize national industries. The first major effort of its kind was the $167 million sale of two state power companies. Protests in the city of Arequipa turned violent as Peruvians reacted with anger at the prospect of layoffs and higher electricity prices. They also recalled that billions of dollars obtained from privatization under the Fujimori administration had ended up filling the president's personal bank accounts. Toledo decided not to carry out the sale of power companies, but has promised to continue privatization efforts, which were a key provision of an agreement reached with the International Monetary Fund. Toledo had promised to raise $700 million through privatization in 2001 and $1 billion in 2002. Although it failed to meet these targets, the IMF approved a $154 million disbursement to Peru in December 2002 and allowed the country raise the fiscal deficit target in his deal.

Although Toledo originally promised tax cuts, violent protests by public officials led to the increase in social sector spending that Toledo had also promised, requiring tax increases. To tackle tax reform in June 2003, he appointed Peru's prime minister, Beatriz Merino, who quickly presented proposals to congress. Among the suggestions were pay cuts for the highest-paid public sector officials, including a 30% pay cut for Toledo himself, a general 5% cut for all agencies and ministries, tax increases on beer, cigarettes and fuel, and an extension of 18% sales and value-added tax to, among other things, long-distance bus travel and live entertainment. The final package also included removing tax breaks, introducing a minimum corporate tax, closing tax loopholes for the wealthy, and strengthening local government property tax regimes.

During Toledo's five years as president, the Peruvian economy experienced 47 consecutive months of growth and grew at an average rate of 6% per year, while inflation averaged 1.5% and the deficit sank as low as 0.2% of the GDP. Between 2004 and 2006, employment grew at an average rate of 6%, the percentage of people living in poverty decreased, and food consumption by the poorest segments of the population increased dramatically. Much of this growth has been attributed to free trade agreements signed with the United States, China, Thailand, Chile, Mexico, and Singapore.

In an attempt to increase remittances from Peruvians abroad, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Toledo sought to strengthen the link between Peruvian migrants and their homeland through the creation of advisory councils.

Regional balance

Many decentralists appreciate that he called regional and municipal elections in 2003. Toledo always said "effective decentralization is better than delaying political regionalization", paraphrasing the criteria taken from the book " Regional Governments" of the political engineer Andrés Tinoco Rondán.

Controversies

  • Toledo was criticized for many years for failing to recognize a daughter outside of marriage (Zaraí Toledo) since his mother claimed her in a 1991 sentence years after being registered with the Provincial Council of Piura (1987). During the process, several DNA tests were performed to identify Zaraí as her daughter. After 14 years of denial, an extrajudicial settlement was finally reached and the paternity of Zarai was recognized (17 October 2002). According to the surveyor Datum at 603 limeños, it was positioned as the personality of the year.
  • He has been accused of excessive spending on fine liquor during his management. In August 2011, a Wikileaks came to light, in which the U.S. former ambassador in Peru, John Randle Hamilton, cited comments on alleged family violence against his wife, Eliane Karp.
  • He has been criticized for the numerous trips to the Peruvian spa of Punta Sal and the expenses he represents.
  • An investigative commission of the Peruvian Congress investigated Toledo for falsification of signatures in the registration of its political party "Possible Country" (then "Peru Possible").
  • Toledo has also been questioned because of his close connection with César Almeyda (a lawyer of the president who served as head of the "National Intelligence Council") in some cases of embezzlement, influence trafficking and corruption.

Lava Jato Case and Capture Order

In 2017, Toledo was accused of money laundering for being allegedly involved in the Odebrecht case. On February 3 of this year, at the request of the Public Ministry, PNP agents raided Alejandro Toledo's residence in Camacho. after Jorge Barata (former representative of Odebrecht in Peru) will reveal having given him 20 million dollars in exchange for favoring the Odebrecht Company in the concession of sections II and III of the Brazil-Peru interoceanic route, the amounts of which would have been deposited to the accounts of Israeli billionaire Josef Maiman. On February 9, Judge Richard Concepción Carhuancho ordered 18 months of preventive detention for the former President and on February 10 the Government included him in the list of the most wanted in Peru issuing an international arrest warrant (prior extradition to Peru) for which a reward of S/100,000 is offered for his whereabouts.

Toledo, whose whereabouts were unknown at the time of the order for his preventive detention, through his lawyer Heriberto Benítez, demanded restricted appearance as a condition for turning himself in, which he was denied. The Peruvian justice system declared him a fugitive and the government even offered a US$100,000 reward for anyone who would report his whereabouts. Once his location in the United States was known, an extradition booklet was opened for him. To support this request before the US authorities, the Public Ministry made a detailed report on the various measures that Toledo would have given in favor of the Brazilian company and that managed to hinder the intervention and competition of other companies. Among these acts, would be the issuance of resolutions and decrees related to the Interoceanic Highway project, exoneration of the SNIP and reduction of regulatory requirements.

The prosecutor also pointed out that Camargo Correa deposited $91,000 to an account at Citibank in the United Kingdom belonging to Tailbridge LTD. However, it was not known who owned the account. In total, 4 million would have been received from the Brazilian company, this was confirmed by Toledo's collaborator and former friend, Josef Maiman.

On July 16, 2019, former President Alejandro Toledo was preliminarily detained in the United States, by order of the justice of that country. This, in response to his first request for extradition from the Peruvian justice, for crimes of influence peddling, collusion and money laundering. Toledo is currently in Maguire Correctional Facility, in San Mateo County, California, where the visitation system is more flexible.

Post-Presidency

In 2015.

Teacher and researcher

Following his term, Toledo went to the United States, where he was a Distinguished Visiting Professor-in-Residence at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences at Stanford University during the 2006-2008 academic year. At the same time, he was also a Visiting Professor at the Hoover Institution, also at Stanford University.

From 2007 to 2008 he was the Freeman Spogli Institute Distinguished Visiting Professor and Visiting Professor at the Center for Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law, at Stanford University.

In 2009, he joined the Brookings Institution, where he is a Distinguished Senior Fellow (Non-Resident) in Foreign Policy, Global Economics, and Development. That same year he was named Distinguished Visiting Professor at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (Johns Hopkins University), based in Washington, D.C..

In 2012 he returned to Stanford University as a professor at the Center for Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law.

He is a Research Fellow at Stanford University at the Center for Studies in the Behavioral Sciences.

Work for democracy

Since October 2006, he has been part of the Carter Center, run by former United States President Jimmy Carter (1977-1981); participating as co-leader in the observation of the general elections of Nicaragua on November 5, 2006.

At the same time, Alejandro Toledo founded the Global Center for Development and Democracy, with offices in Latin America, the United States, and the European Union. Along with nineteen other former Latin American presidents, Alejandro Toledo worked from 2007 to 2009 in the elaboration of the Social Agenda for Democracy in Latin America for the Next 20 Years, which was presented in November 2009 in the framework of the Ibero-American Summit in Estoril, Portugal.

Toledo is also a member of the Human Development Committee of the United Nations Organization for Latin America, as well as the Club of Madrid.

In 2007, after the controversial closure of RCTV in Venezuela, Toledo wrote the article Silence = Despotism (Silence=Despotism) in the New York Times in which he strongly criticized Hugo Chávez for attacking against freedom of expression; He also called on international organizations such as the OAS to intervene in the closure of the media outlet.

In July 2010, the United States Senate honored Toledo for his policies that contributed greatly to the improvement of the Peruvian economy and because he helped make great strides in the areas of education, health, and poverty reduction.

In 2010, he joined the "Friends of Israel Initiative," which brings together international politicians and businessmen to use their influence in support of Israeli interests.

Over the years, he has received more than 65 doctorates from different universities around the world, including the University of Winnipeg, Peking University, Tbilisi State University, and the National University of San Marcos.

Toledo ran again in the 2011 general elections of Peru, where he came in fourth place.

Since then, he has maintained a busy international schedule, which has led him, among other things, to meet with the United States Secretary of State, Hillary Rodham Clinton, for a rethinking of US relations with Ibero-American countries. Similarly, he has participated in international events in Guatemala, where he advocated for integration, and social development and the strengthening of democracy, and in Israel, within the framework of the Third Israeli Presidential Conference.

At the 2011 Oslo Freedom Forum, Toledo made it clear that he would not support either Ollanta Humala or Keiko Fujimori in Peru's presidential elections, “We will remain vigilant and defenders of democracy in Peru" he added he. He also affirmed his role in the future, adding: "We will fight those who, being democratically elected, then change the Constitution and use the mask of democracy to govern autocratically." However, days later he openly supported the nationalist candidate in these terms:

We have decided to support the candidacy of Ollanta Humala

After Humala's victory, speculation began about a possible co-government, due to the meetings that the former president had with Humala; However, Toledo denied the rumors and announced his support for the governance of the country.

In September 2011, Toledo brought together 13 former presidents from Latin America and Europe in Lima to commemorate the 10th anniversary of the Inter-American Democratic Charter, within the framework of the VI Summit of former presidents.

In October 2011 he participated as Head of the observer mission of the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs in the General Assembly elections in Tunis. In November of the same year he was invited by King Mohamed VI of Morocco to speak on the effects of the Arab spring and democracy; on this visit he was given the keys to the city of Rabat; After that, he criticized the forms of government in Venezuela and Nicaragua before the international press.

In September 2012, he was named among the 20 Heroes of Inclusion of the World by the Quarterly Americas magazine of the Council of the Americas, for his achievements as president in reducing poverty from 54.4% to 45%.

In March 2013, he participated as the main speaker at the XV Conference on Latin America held by the Business School of Harvard University, where he spoke about the changes that the Latin American region and economic development are undergoing. After that, he participated in the Palm Beach Strategic Forum on economic growth, given in Florida. In the same way, she was a panelist at the forum on Latin America organized by The Annenberg-Drier Commission-Americas Society in California; the Ambrosetti Forum in Cernobbio, Italy and the World Business Forum Latinamerica in Mexico.

In December 2013, he participated in the annual conference of the Club of Madrid, held in the city of Coolum, Queensland. In said meeting, different ex-presidents spoke about the future of Latin America and the impact that global economic changes have on societies.

At the beginning of 2015 he published the book The shared society. A vision for the global future of Latin America.

Works and research

  • Shared society: a vision for the global future of Latin America (2015). Editorial Planeta
  • Growing up to include: we did it together: 2001-2006: five years in which the future was sown (2014). Editorial Planeta
  • Latin America: the management of stabilization and growth in crisis periods: the Peruvian case (1993). Harvard University
  • Pcrisis: the urgency of growth and the globalized world economy (1993). Harvard University
  • North-South’s growth challenge for the 1990s (1991). ESAN-IDE
  • The other faces of informal society: a multidisciplinary vision (1991). ESAN-IDE. With Alain Chanlat.
  • The lost decade of the eighties and the challenge of growing in the nineties: the Peruvian experience (1990). ESAN-IDE
  • Peru and Latin America in crisis: how to finance growth (1990). Editor, ESAN-IDE
  • Financing of Peru ' s economic growth in crisis: productive investment and international trade in the medium term (1988). ESAN
  • Peruvian external financial manoeuvre margins, 1985-1990 (1986). ESAN-IDE

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