Alan garcia

Alan Gabriel Ludwig García Pérez (Lima, May 23, 1949 – April 17, 2019), better known simply as Alan García, was a lawyer and politician Peruvian. He served as President of the Republic of Peru in two non-consecutive terms: from 1985 to 1990 and from 2006 to 2011.

In his political life he served as constituent deputy (1978-1979), deputy (1980-1985) and senator for life (1990-1992). As a member of the Aprista Party, he received political training from the founding leader, Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre, and was one of his favorite disciples. He held various party posts and was APRA's general secretary twice. From his beginnings, he was characterized by his great oratory capacity in politics.

He became president in the 1985 general elections, in which he won in the first round after the resignation of Alfonso Barrantes. This first government administration was characterized by an unusual hyperinflation, a resurgence of the attacks of terrorism led by Sendero Luminoso, and by various acts of corruption involving people from the Aprista regime that caused great social discontent.

At the end of his term in 1990, he was succeeded by Alberto Fujimori who did not hesitate to try to catch him, however he escaped to Colombia and finally France where he lived for a large part of his exile becoming a friend of the French President François Mitterrand would return to Peru in the year 2000 after the fall of Fujimorism.

After the fall of Fujimori, García returned to the country to run in 2001; however, he was defeated by Alejandro Toledo, during whose government (2001-2006) he was the leader of the opposition. He triumphed in the 2006 elections by defeating Ollanta Humala (UPP) in the second round. His second government was characterized by the continuation of public investment projects, the country's economic growth and the restructuring of diplomatic relations; However, he was also accused of acts of corruption He left power after the 2011 elections, Humala being his successor He withdrew from party politics after failing to overcome the first round in the 2016 elections.

On April 17, 2019, García committed suicide by shooting himself in the head when the police were preparing to preliminarily arrest him for matters related to the Odebrecht case. He was transferred in serious condition to the Casimiro Ulloa hospital, where he remained for more than three hours in the operating room. In the history of Peru, García was the second head of state to commit suicide, after Gustavo Jiménez, who did so in 1933.

For more than 20 non-consecutive editions, it was included in the top five positions of the Poder Survey.

Biography

Alan García was born on May 23, 1949 in the city of Lima, into a middle-class family closely linked to APRA. He was the son of Carlos García Ronceros and Nytha Pérez Rojas. He studied at the José María Eguren National College in the Lima district of Barranco.

His mother, Nytha Pérez Rojas, daughter of Alejandro Pérez Aragón and Celia Rojas Ladrón de Guevara, was a founder of APRA in Camaná. His father, Carlos García Ronceros, son of José Carlos García Grillo and Zoyla Luz Ronceros Rendón, was organization secretary of that party during the government of Major General Manuel A. Odría, during which APRA had been declared illegal.. He was arrested during his government and for that reason, he did not meet his son until five years had passed.

At school, Alan García discovered the power of words, an object that earned him several school awards in oratory and an outstanding "verb" that would be useful when he started out as an Aprista militant. While still very young, García joined the Peruvian Aprista Youth, receiving his membership card at the age of seventeen.

He completed his undergraduate studies at the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú and then at the Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, receiving his law degree from the latter in 1971.

In 1972 he moved to Europe and attended the Complutense University of Madrid where he took doctoral courses in law from 1972 to 1974, and the University of Paris where he took doctoral courses in sociology from 1974 to 1977; However, he never obtained the respective degree, a situation that was only made public when the press investigated the matter.

Marriages, relationships and children

He married Carla Francisca Buscaglia Castellano in 1973, with whom he had a daughter in 1975: Carla García Buscaglia. The couple divorced in 1980.

In 1975, at a conference in Spain, he met Pilar Nores, an Argentine lawyer whom he married in 1983. García and Nores had four children:

• Josefina (1977), married in 2016 with the Spanish economist Jaime Núñez, mother of a daughter, Cassiana (n. 2018);
• Gabriela del Pilar (1984), married to the American doctor Daniel Conor, mother of a son named Sebastian (n. 2017);
• Luciana Victoria (1985); and
• Alan Raúl (1988).

In 2008, the then president and first lady separated.

In February 2005, he had a sixth child, Federico Dantón, with the economist Elizabeth Roxanne Cheesman Rajkovic.

Political career

After living several years in Paris, García was called by the founder and then leader of APRA, Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre, to return to Peruvian political life in 1978, after the administration of Francisco Morales Bermúdez presided over he returned to civil government and allowed the reorganization of other political parties. He would come to the government years later, this period being recognized, in economic matters, as one of the most difficult in the country's history, due to hyperinflation. At the end of his term, he remained in the country until 1992, the year of Alberto Fujimori's self-coup, after which he took refuge in Colombia, later went to Paris and years later he would be elected president of Peru again.

APRA militancy

As a child, Alan Gabriel frequented the Casa del Pueblo (the main headquarters of the Aprista Party), where he received deals with the founding leader of APRA, Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre. Alan took Víctor Raúl as someone more than a leader: as a father; In an interview he commented the following about Haya de la Torre:

He was in a youth camp on the banks of the Rimac River. I didn't separate five meters from this half-day and I felt like in the Sistine Chapel. It was imposing, an old Basque, white and beard, with a huge head that could only be synonymous with a solid intelligence for me.

Alan García Pérez

Along with Alberto Borea Odría, Luis Alva Castro and other teenagers, Alan was a direct disciple of Haya de la Torre. On the advice of the "patriarch of APRA" he did not apply to the Federico Villarreal University (linked to APRA) but to the Catholic University, in order to counteract the dominance over it of the Social Christians and the center-left. Later he would transfer to San Marcos University, where he graduated in law.

During his stay in Madrid, García together with Javier Valle Riestra, also an Aprista, held conferences and manifestos against the military dictatorship of Peru. Faced with possible reprisals from the Peruvian consulate in Madrid, García moved to Paris to continue his studies and activity against the military regime.

Constituent Deputy (1978-1980)

In 1978, the President of the Republic of Peru, Francisco Morales Bermúdez convened the Constituent Assembly of 1978, to promulgate a new magna carta. The Aprista Party participated in said electoral process, leading the list Víctor Raúl Haya de la Torre. Along with Haya de la Torre, various Aprista personalities were elected, including García Pérez himself. Thus, García became a constituent deputy, being together with Xavier Barrón (PPC) the youngest of said entity.

García Pérez accompanied his teacher Haya de la Torre, being his main adviser. He, along with the other Aprista members, watched as Haya's health slowly deteriorated. After the Assembly, García Pérez had already become known for his oratory skills and for convincing the masses.

Deputy (1980-1985)

In 1980 he was elected deputy for the Department of Lima, two years later he managed to be elected secretary general of APRA, presidential candidate later, of APRA.

From the Chamber of Deputies he was part of the opposition to the government of Fernando Belaúnde.

1985 General Election

Election campaign

He was elected as APRA candidate on February 12, 1984, after an election by direct and secret vote of the party bases, a democratic mechanism that was applied for the first time in a Peruvian party. His speeches focused on the demands of the working people, calling for overcoming the nation's problems; making a call to the right and to the left. In the December 1984 poll by Apoyo S.A., García had 47.4% of electoral preferences, while Alfonso Barrantes had 21.30%.

Presidential list

His presidential squad for the 1985 general elections consisted of:

First lap

In the April 14, 1985 elections, Alan García ran as APRA's presidential candidate. The results of the first round showed that the barrier of 50% was exceeded, counting the valid votes, but the Constitution required that 50% of the total votes cast also be exceeded, for which reason a second round should be held between the APRA candidate and the APRA candidate. IU candidate, Alfonso Barrantes Lingán.

• Results of the first round: (valid vote)
  • Peruvian Aprist Party: 3 452 111 (53%)
  • United Left: 1 605 139 (25%)
  • PPC - MBH: 773 313 (12%)
  • Other: 670 247 (10%)

Round Two

Although the Constitution indicated that to be president one must obtain 50% plus one of the total votes cast (for which reason a second round corresponded), in practice, the official results of the first round indicated that the sum of the votes of all his adversaries were not enough to match the number of votes that the APRA candidate had obtained. The resignation of the second-placed candidate, Alfonso Barrantes Lingán, to participate in the second round of elections meant that García was declared the winner. Alan García, was then only 35 years old and became the first Aprista president since the founding of his party.

President of the Republic (1985-1990)

Alan García and Felipe González photographed in La Moncloa in January 1987.

García assumed the government in 1985, after winning the 1985 general elections with great support from the people due to his youth, radicalism and anti-imperialist discourse, very fashionable at the time. For such reasons, In his first months as governor, he attended international conferences such as the General Assembly of the United Nations and the FAO, in which he presented his thesis of external debt in favor of poor countries, with which he was initially recognized by the chiefs of state assistants related to said regimes, as well as by a sector of the foreign press.

The first two years of García's government were known for appearing similarly vital and authoritative to his mentor, but as president of Peru. García used to give balconazos (speeches on the palace balconies), showing his oratory skills and announcing measures of his government; This was listened to and applauded massively. García's initial approval in September 1985 was 96.4%, When the state's spending capacity was exhausted then multiple problems began, economic mismanagement reached its lowest level in January 1989 (9%).

Financial management

In the short term, the measures adopted apparently gave positive results in the first months of management. By increasing wages, reducing bank interest rates, devaluing the currency, and controlling the exchange rate, in September 1985, the inflation rate dropped to 3.5% (compared to 12.5% in April of the same year).. Towards the second quarter of 1986, the economy showed signs of a supposed recovery. The sectors that depended on internal demand (manufacturing, construction, agriculture) grew at the rate of subsidies, but not the sectors dedicated to primary exports (mining, fishing). Consequently, at the end of 1986, the economy grew 10%. It was the biggest growth since the 1950s, with which García seemed to enjoy record popularity in Latin America at the time. However, when the capacity for public spending ran out, economic difficulties began as the money in the reserves was running out.

García's economic policy was characterized by presenting, in his exchange policy, two exchange rates, an official one called the Single Exchange Market dollar (MUC dollar) and another that existed on the black market, called the parallel market. And in his monetary policy, he executed excessive inorganic issues of national currency. Likewise, the advice of the International Monetary Fund was rejected and the payment of the external debt was limited to 10% of the income that the country obtained from exports. This decision caused the delay in the payment of the external debt and that the country was declared, at first, as impaired value and then as ineligible by the IMF in 1986.

His measures were characterized by being Marxist because at that time socialist ideas were still in force in the country, the point that caused the rupture of his government was the intention to nationalize private banking as a supposed way of controlling inflation that, as of July 28, 1987, was already uncontrollable. Indeed, the macroeconomic indicators indicate that Peru, during his tenure, suffered hyperinflation of 1,722.3% in 1988 and 2,775% in 1989. By the beginning of 1990, these indices reached 854% (accumulated inflation up to July 1990).). The devaluation of the currency was very high and during his government the official currency (sol and inti) had to be changed twice because it quickly became worthless. This led to great speculation and a shortage of basic necessities.

Terrorism

Another issue that shook the García government was the terrorist activity that began during the previous government of Fernando Belaúnde Terry but which reached its highest peaks of violence in the years 1986 and 1988. Within this context, the case of the massacre of terrorists who rioted in different prisons in Lima on June 19, 1986 (Prison Massacre).

During the government of Alan García, along with the subversive violence, which cost thousands of lives, acts of military repression were carried out, such as the massacre of the prisons and the massacre of dozens of peasants in the Ayacucho town of Cayara in 1988. Although García initially showed interest in curbing human rights violations, after the massacres at the prisons, he allowed the counter-subversive violence by the armed forces to continue and death squads (the Rodrigo Franco Command) were formed, which intimidated terrorist suspects and critics of anti-terrorism policy.

Starting in 1988 and 1989, terrorist groups intensified their wave of attacks in Lima and several other cities in the face of government impotence.

The controversy broke out again when less than twenty days after the transfer to the new government, Víctor Polay, "Comrade Rolando" and 47 militants of the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA) managed to escape from the "maximum security" prison Miguel Castro Castro through a 330-meter tunnel built from outside the prison. The construction did not have water or drainage connections, lighting service installations, or a vent that would facilitate operational work.

Beyond the fact itself, the repercussion obtained by the MRTA, nationally and internationally, constituted a harsh questioning not only of the government's anti-subversive strategy, but also of the operational capacity of the police and penal authorities.

Opposition and change of government

Opposition to the government grew significantly since the attempt to nationalize the banks, a measure that was highly unpopular and triggered an energetic right-wing protest movement led by writer and journalist Mario Vargas Llosa, this movement would eventually evolve into the political alliance FREDEMO (which included the Popular Christian Party, Popular Action and the Freedom Movement) that ran unsuccessfully in the 1990 elections with Vargas Llosa as presidential candidate. In his last message to the nation, on July 28, 1990, Congress did not allow him to speak, constantly interrupting him with folders and blunders.

Economic instability and terrorism caused discontent among the Peruvian population, which elected Alberto Fujimori as president in the 1990 elections.

Post first presidency

Change of Command

In 1990, García handed over the presidency within a framework completely contrary to that of 1985. His popularity was at 21%, and at the handover ceremony for Alberto Fujimori, after handing over the presidential sash to the president of Congress, As established by the official protocol, García left the Chamber of Congress and did not witness the first message from his successor. He then left the country, facing charges of corruption and extrajudicial killings by the Aprista commando Rodrigo Franco.

Senator (1990-1992)

Article 166 of the 1979 constitution established that former constitutional presidents of the Republic are senators for life, participating in congress sessions. García attended the Senate and intervened in the sessions since the beginning of the legislature in 1990; However, his function was embroiled in scandals due to accusations of acts of corruption by his government.

On October 18, 1991, the Senate debated the proposal made by the lower house to prosecute García for alleged crimes of illicit enrichment and against public faith, allegedly committed when he performed public functions. The plenary session of the Senate resolved to suspend former President Alan García in the exercise of his functions as senator for life and to put him on trial for alleged illicit enrichment during his presidential term with 38 votes in favor and 17 against.

On November 24, the nation's prosecutor accused Alan García before the Supreme Court of Justice for undue enrichment at the expense of the State budget; However, in December of the same year, the member of the case stated that he had not found "sufficient evidence" to support the accusation against García; After that, the Supreme Court declared it inadmissible to try the former president.

Once the judicial investigation process was completed, the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Senators restored García's parliamentary jurisdiction by resolution of March 20, 1992. In this way, the former president recovered his parliamentary immunity and, with it, all rights recognized by the Constitution and Peruvian laws to Senators for Life.

Self-coup and exile in Colombia

On April 5, 1992, Alberto Fujimori launched a self-coup against the legislature, through which he closed congress, intervened in the judiciary and other public powers. Due to these actions, various politicians from the previous government were persecuted and prevented from leaving their homes due to the damage caused to the country that led to hyperinflation in such a short time, the growth of foreign debt and the proliferation of terrorism.

At the end of May, Alan García entered the residence of the Colombian ambassador in Peru to request political asylum, which was granted on June 1 by the government of President César Gaviria. The former president left Peru through a safe-conduct that allowed him to board a Colombian Air Force jet that transferred him, together with then-deputy Jorge Del Castillo, bound for Bogotá.

García arrived at the Catam military airport and in statements to the press promised to fight against the dictatorship of Alberto Fujimori. The regime opened proceedings against him for illicit enrichment and various accusations of corruption; After that, the extradition of García to the Colombian government was requested, which was denied.

In 1994, the Human Rights Commission of the Organization of American States denounced the Fujimori government for violating the rights to liberty, security, and due defense of Alan García and asked the Peruvian government to annul the processes started.

In April 1995, Congress lifted Alan García's parliamentary immunity on charges that he received bribes from the Italian consortium Tralima for the construction of Lima's electric train. In this way, the Civil Chamber of the Supreme Court of Justice again requested the extradition of García to the Government of Colombia, which was denied because García went to live in Paris.

During the years between 1993 and 2001, Alan García did not actively participate in Peruvian politics, except for the publication of some works on the politics of his first government and denouncing the human rights violations committed by the government of President Alberto Fujimori. On a few occasions, Alan García appeared on Peruvian television and radio from Bogotá, Colombia.

In 2001, the Supreme Court of Justice of Peru declared the statute of limitations for the crimes against him at the end of his first term. García did not return to the country until 2001, when the statute of limitations related to the corruption allegations had already expired in his government.

2001 General Election

Presidential list

His presidential staff was made up of the mayor of Trujillo, José Murgia Zannier (First Vice President), and by the Aprista congressman, Jorge Del Castillo Gálvez (Second Vice President).

First lap

García returned to the country on January 27, 2001 and ran for president again that same year, whose election would take place on April 8. His candidacy was very controversial due to the bad government he carried out (1985-1990), despite everything he managed to pass to the second round with great popular support mainly from militants and sympathizers of the Aprista Party (concentrated on the Peruvian north coast), displacing to the candidate Lourdes Flores, favorite to go to the second round along with Alejandro Toledo. As the pollsters indicated weeks before the elections, no candidate exceeded the 50% plus 1 vote required, so the two participants who obtained the most votes (Alejandro Toledo and Alan García), went to a second round, to give themselves 3 June 2001.

• Results of the first round: (valid vote)
  • Peru Possible: 3 871 167 (36.51%)
  • Peruvian Aprist Party: 2 732 857 (25.78%)
  • National Unit: 2 576 653 (24.30%)
  • Other: 1 421 043 (13.41%)

Round Two

The second round began with harsh attacks between one candidate and the other, and with the proposal of the blank vote as a criticism of the candidates led mainly by Jaime Bayly and Alvaro Vargas Llosa; and culminated in the long-awaited presidential debate given on May 19, 2001, at the Marriott hotel in Lima.

Polls showed a high difference between the two candidates, with Alejandro Toledo Manrique being the favorite thanks to his greater popularity and his democratic struggle against the Alberto Fujimori regime. On election day (June 3), in the traditional "electoral flash" the difference between the two candidates decreased notably, although in any case the victory had been assured by Alejandro Toledo with more than 5% difference. With these results, Alan García admitted his defeat and declared support to the extent possible for future president Alejandro Toledo.

• Results of the second round: (valid vote)
  • Peru Possible: 5 548 209 (53.08%)
  • Peruvian Aprist Party: 4 904 813 (46.92%)

Activities carried out during the government of Toledo

He dedicated himself to university teaching at the Universidad San Martín, where Mr. Chang was rector. He also participated, in his capacity as leader of the Aprista Party, in various activities organized by groups opposed to the constitutional regime, including the National Strike organized by the CGTP, held on July 14, 2004, where the Aprista leader Alan García kicked the citizen Jesús Lora from behind because he was blocking his way, the fact was recorded by the press and sparked a political scandal.

On the other hand, he sought political rapprochement with different groups to form the so-called "Social Front" with a view to the 2006 presidential elections.

2006 General Election

Presidential list

Its presidential staff is made up of the Admiral (R) of the Peruvian Navy, Luis Giampietri Rojas (First Vice Presidency), who managed to obtain a seat for Callao, and the former Deputy Mayor of Arequipa, Lourdes Mendoza del Solar (Second Vice Presidency) who managed to win a seat for said department.

First lap

At 4:00 p.m. m. on Sunday, April 9, 2006, when the traditional electoral "flashes" occurred, she ranked above the National Unity candidate, Lourdes Flores. However, as time passed, it was indicated that Flores was ahead of him by a few tenths; this changed in the polls over 60% where it was seen that he once again surpassed the candidate Flores, maintaining a tendency to increase the difference even if it was by tenths.

Then, with the vote counts from abroad (which mostly favored Lourdes Flores) both García and Humala slightly reduced their percentages, which led to a slow approach of the National Unity candidate, standing close to 0.60% below Alan García. Already passing 90% of the tally sheets, Alan García once again moves away from Lourdes Flores, maintaining this important difference that consolidated him as the candidate who went with Ollanta Humala to the second round.

The 100% report indicated that Ollanta Humala (UPP) obtained 30.62% of valid votes, followed by García (APRA) with 24.33%. In the third position, already ruled out, was Lourdes Flores (UN) with 23.80%. Therefore, the second round took place on June 4, 2006 between the UPP candidate, Ollanta Humala, and the former president and APRA candidate, Alan García.

• Results of the first round: (valid vote)
  • Union for Peru: 3 757 735 (30.62%)
  • Peruvian Aprist Party: 2 984 881 (24.33%)
  • National Unit: 2 920 578 (23.8 per cent)
  • Other: (21.25 per cent)

Round Two

Alan García faced off against UPP presidential candidate Ollanta Humala in the second round of elections, held on June 4. While Ollanta Humala began by touring the Peruvian north (usually a solid Aprista stronghold), Alan García began by heading south, to try to get some votes from a mainly nationalist region.

These activities were overshadowed by the constant exchange of words between Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez and Alan García; where García described Chávez as a "scoundrel" and he responded by calling him a "four-cornered thief", due to his past government.

Shortly thereafter, Alejandro Toledo surprisingly violated the electoral laws by giving a speech in which he gave explicit support to Alan García, saying that in the elections he was choosing "between democracy and authoritarianism", which made him received harsh criticism.

Agreements between the negotiators of the parties that went to the second round, Jorge Del Castillo (APRA) and Carlos Torres Caro (UPP), resulted in the programming of the presidential debate, which took place on Sunday, May 21, at 8:00 p.m. m. between the presidential candidates of each party: Alan García (APRA) and Ollanta Humala (UPP), being the place of debate: the National Museum of Archaeology, Anthropology and History of Peru, located in Pueblo Libre, Lima, and the moderator the journalist Augusto Alvarez Rodrich.

On June 4, the first exit results gave Alan García the winner by a score between 5% and 10% over his contender, the Unión por el Perú candidate, Ollanta Humala. This difference was confirmed hours later when the polls by Quick Count were known where the victory of Alan García was already assured.

While Ollanta Humala preferred to wait for the official results of the ONPE advance, Alan García would go to the Casa del Pueblo, where he would make a speech and a celebration for the (by then almost certain) victory. Around 10 at night, the ONPE confirmed with its results close to 80% that Alan García had been the winner in the electoral contest.

• Results of the second round: (valid vote)
  • Peruvian Aprist Party: 6 985 017 (52.625%)
  • Union for Peru: 6 270 080 (47.375%)

President of the Republic (2006-2011)

After the National Office of Electoral Processes confirmed 100.00% of the scrutinized acts that Alan García was the new president, on June 21, 2006, the National Election Jury accredited him as President-Elect. He succeeded Alejandro Toledo, who was his rival in 2001, in office.

Ads

During the transition period, García Pérez made numerous announcements that his future administration would take. Among the main announcements he made, the creation of the Ministry of Fisheries and the future Ministry of Culture and Ministry of Sports stand out. He also announced that his Council of Ministers would be equal, receiving praise from Lourdes Flores, leader of the opposition, who focused her electoral campaign on the issue of women's equality.

García Pérez met on July 11 with Lourdes Flores, president of the Popular Christian Party and leader of the National Unity. The meeting that took place at Flores Nano's house lasted one hour and the country's reality issues were discussed. García Pérez ruled out having offered him a ministerial position, an announcement that was confirmed by Flores Nano on the Sunday program "National Pulse." However, a few weeks later, he clarified that he had offered him the Presidency of the Council of Ministers and a co-government.

On July 20, he announced two members of his first cabinet: José Antonio García Belaúnde as Minister of Foreign Relations and Luis Carranza as Minister of Economy and Finance. García Belaúnde's appointment was well received by all sectors while that the Carranza was only received positively by the business community and by experts in economic issues. The General Confederation of Workers of Peru and the representatives of Union for Peru described the appointment of Carranza as a continuation of the neoliberal model of Alejandro Toledo and Alberto Fujimori, and as an approach to the right of Lourdes Flores, who described the appointment of Carranza in the MEF as "extraordinary".

As part of her private life, after the publication of an article by journalist César Hildebrandt, on October 23 she confirmed that she had a sixth child, out of wedlock with Pilar Nores de García. Federico Danton García Cheesman was recognized by the president as his son, the product of a sentimental relationship with Roxanne Elizabeth Cheesman Rajkovic. Immediately, he received some praise from parliamentarians for having publicly admitted his son, but others like Lourdes Flores (opposition leader) or congressman Daniel Abugattás, criticized him for being "unfaithful" and Pilar Nores de García for "accepting any grievance from her husband".

In October 2007, he also announced the creation of the National Anti-Corruption Office and Carolina Lizárraga as head of said body. The announcement was criticized by the comptroller of the Republic, the prosecutor of the Nation and the president of the Judiciary since there could be a "duplication of functions".

Inauguration

For his transfer of command, the Ministry of the Interior ordered the deployment of more than 11,000 police officers. The ceremony was attended by nine presidents and the then Prince of Asturias, Felipe de Borbón.According to newspaper reports, his presidential speech would last only 30 minutes, but it lasted 105. This contrasts with the 120 he used in his first speech in 1985.

The following presidents attended the ceremony: Néstor Kirchner from Argentina, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva from Brazil, Evo Morales from Bolivia, Michelle Bachelet from Chile, Álvaro Uribe Vélez from Colombia, Alfredo Palacio González from Ecuador, Elías Antonio Saca from El Salvador, among others. Representing other countries, representatives from Argentina, Uruguay, the United States, Russia, China, Luxembourg, Mexico, Algeria, Japan and other official delegations traveled. Alan García began his presidential term at 11:41 a.m. m. (Peru time), breaking the protocol since Mercedes Cabanillas did not put the presidential sash on him, but did it himself due to his tall stature, although some think that he did it more because of his desire for prominence.

International relations

Alan García, along with his U.S. colleague George W. Bush, during his trip to that country.

On June 13, 2006, he met in Brasilia with Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, a friend of his youth, making his first trip abroad as president-elect. Together they remembered that García Pérez was the only Latin American leader who received it in 1989, after losing an electoral contest. On bilateral issues, the importance of the Interoceanic Highway, the care of the Amazon area and a future Free Trade Agreement were discussed. García Pérez even dared to say that if he were Brazilian, he would vote for Lula.

On June 22, he traveled to Chile to meet with President Michelle Bachelet, who received him at the La Moneda Palace. He traveled to the meeting with José Antonio García Belaúnde, his adviser on international affairs and later Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Peru. García Pérez spoke with Bachelet about the strengthening of bilateral relations, badly damaged during the governments of Alejandro Toledo and Ricardo Lagos. Through García's own statements, it was learned that they did not address the issues of Alberto Fujimori or the maritime delimitation conflict. On the subject, García Pérez mentioned that in this first meeting, they should talk about coincidences and not about issues that distance.

In Santiago, Chile, he met with the main leaders of the Coalition of Parties for Democracy, especially with the representatives of the Socialist Party of Chile, Bachelet's party. His visit to Chile was marred when a group of Peruvians residing in that country filed a complaint against García Pérez, blaming him for the massacres that occurred during his government. On July 5 he met with Álvaro Uribe Vélez and on the 6th of the same month with Alfredo Palacio González, going to appointments with García Belaúnde and Pilar Nores de García. García was warmly received by the Colombians, who gave him asylum for a brief time in 1992. In Ecuador, his main topics of conversation were to improve bilateral relations, which have been badly damaged in recent years.

A pillar of the government of Alan García in the field of foreign relations is to improve relations with Chile. On July 28, he met with Michelle Bachelet, with whom he discussed the return of his country to the Andean Community of Nations, recently abandoned by Venezuela. Bachelet remained in Peru until after the Great Parade and Military Parade, as García Pérez's guest of honor. On August 7, 2006, she traveled to Colombia to attend the inauguration of the re-elected Álvaro Uribe Vélez, accompanied only by José Antonio García Belaúnde and a security agent. The trip was made on a commercial flight. While in Bogotá, Alan García together with Alfredo Palacio González, Álvaro Uribe Vélez and Álvaro García Linera gave Michelle Bachelet a formal invitation for Chile to return to the Andean Community. Many criticize this attitude, considering it a passive attitude towards the alleged territorial aggressions from the southern country.

On August 17, 2006, he announced the appointment of economist Hernando de Soto as "personal representative of the President of the Republic of Peru" to promote the Peru-United States Free Trade Agreement in the United States Congress, serving as the position ad honorem. It should be remembered that in the campaign he had been opposed to the signing of this treaty, even announcing that he was going to withdraw Toledo's signature.

Alan García with Rafael Correa (President of Ecuador) on 20 May 2011.

On August 25, it was announced that Peru would rejoin the so-called Group of 20, after coordination between the foreign ministers of Peru and Brazil. Likewise, their visit to Brazil was confirmed for August 9 and 10 November. On September 20, 2006, in the presence of José Antonio García Belaúnde for Peru, Chile returned to the Andean Community as an associate member, after Peru led the invitations of the respective member countries.

On October 4, he received Felipe Calderón Hinojosa, president-elect of Mexico, at the Government Palace of Peru. On October 10, he made his first visit to the United States of America as President of the Republic of Peru, traveling only accompanied by Foreign Minister José Antonio García Belaúnde and on a commercial flight. He held meetings with senior US officials such as Condoleezza Rice and Carlos M. Gutiérrez, in pursuit of seeking approval of the US Congress for the Trade Agreement with the United States.

Despite confirming that he would travel to Calderón's inauguration in Mexico, he was unable to do so due to schedule reasons, canceling his visit at the last minute, a fact that annoyed Lourdes Flores for being a Social Christian. December 8 to Cochabamba, Bolivia to attend the II Summit of the South American Community of Nations as representative of Peru. The appointment also served to reconcile with Hugo Chávez, with whom she ended a period of verbal attacks.Immediately after the Summit ended, García received Rafael Correa, president-elect of Ecuador, at the Government Palace as a sign of good bilateral relations.

García con Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, former President of the Argentine Nation, during his second term.

On January 4, 2007, he received Italian Foreign Minister Massimo d'Alema at La Casa de Pizarro, receiving the invitation to visit Italy, at the request of President Giorgio Napolitano. Likewise, his Peruvian counterpart signed an agreement with the Italian government for a debt swap. Later, from the 6th of the same month, he came criticizing a ruling by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights that demanded compensation to confessed terrorists, fallen in the Castro Castro Prison riot. García Pérez and Minister Rafael Rey even spoke of Peru's withdrawal from said body. In addition, his congressional bench raised a constitutional accusation against his predecessor Alejandro Toledo and his last Minister of Justice Alejandro Tudela Chopitea for having accepted the ruling and allowing the Court of the verdict that is currently under debate. Likewise, Congresswoman Keiko Fujimori and other Fujimorismo leaders affirmed that the raid before the ruling promoted by Toledo, only sought to harm her father in order to speed up his extradition, saying that hatred of his father, now it will cost Peru millions. This is taken by some sectors as a "tacit alliance" between Fujimorismo and APRA.

During his tenure, and after several months of negotiations between the Peruvian and Bolivian foreign ministries, the project previously called BoliviaMar was updated and now renamed MarBolivia, on the occasion of the meeting between Evo Morales and Alan García on October 19, 2010 in Ilo where several bilateral and complementary agreements to those of 1992 were signed and reaffirming Peru's 99-year concession to Bolivia of a non-sovereign access to the Pacific Ocean, establishing a special industrial and economic free zone (ZOFIE) and a tourist free zone (ZFT), which will not be an obstacle in the event that, within the framework of bilateral Bolivian-Chilean talks, an agreement is reached on access to the Bolivian sea.

With the then President of Chile, Sebastián Piñera.

On the occasion of his State Visit to Chile on January 19 and 20, 2011, two bilateral agreements were signed to strengthen the relationship between Peru and that country (border transit and the fight against drugs) and it was agreed to work together in a multiplicity of different topics of mutual interest, which caused a positive impression on the population of both countries. During his stay, the Peruvian head of state declared, among other things: "I am convinced that the union of Chile and Peru in their purposes, projects and policies will be the keystone of the true integration of South America and Latin America». "Mr. President, we are going to continue working and I until the last second that I am president, and from the first second that I am not president, for as long as it takes, because this is a bet that here we record, this is a commitment that we make here and I will not stop, and I am sure that you will not either, until there is a solid and structured alliance without fear between our countries».

Domestic policy

García Pérez's administration began on July 28, 2006, presenting numerous bills and supreme decrees that reduced the salary of political positions in the Peruvian State. His Defense Minister, Allan Wagner Tizón announced that the approval of military spending with Chile would be resumed, this news was confirmed by the Chilean Minister of Foreign Affairs Alejandro Foxley. On August 4, 2006, García Pérez met with María Teresa Fernández de la Vega, First Vice President of the Government of Spain, with whom he discussed issues regarding relations between Spain and Peru. Fernández de la Vega also spoke about Spain's support for Peru's indigenous communities, as well as her country's investments in Peru.

García Pérez traveled to Puno and Tacna on August 5, accompanied by the President of the Council of Ministers Jorge Del Castillo, the Minister of Transportation and Communications Verónica Zavala Lombardi and the APRA congressman César Zumaeta. On his first trip to the interior of Peru, he will promulgate the new free zone in Puno and in Tacna to give importance to the Almirante Grau bridge and the Tacna Department railway.

As part of his campaign promise, on August 8, he proposed a referendum on a return to the death penalty for child rapists. His proposal was immediately supported by congressmen such as Lourdes Alcorta Suero or Luisa María Cuculiza, however he found opposition from Luis Giampietri Rojas and Lourdes Mendoza del Solar, members of the Aprista Party. The Congress of the Republic of Peru would see if it debates it internally or if it accepts the president's proposal. The announcement has caused conflicting opinions even in the Council of Ministers itself.

The Minister of Transportation, Verónica Zavala, announced that during García's administration, several airports in the interior of Peru would be awarded as concessions. Likewise, Pilar Mazzetti (Interior) launched the "Plan Cobweb 2" with the purchase of more than 200 motorcycles for the Peruvian National Police. He also announced that during García's administration, the Police could experience salary increases in the next nine months since the austerity policy would allow it. On August 18, he received the "Frigate BAP Bolognesi", in a meeting chaired by he, the vice presidents of the Republic Luis Giampietri Rojas and Lourdes Mendoza del Solar and the Minister of Defense Allan Wagner Tizón. That same day, he enacted the law that integrates numerous motorcycle taxi drivers into the Comprehensive Health System in a ceremony at the Government Palace of the Peru, accompanied by the Congressman of the Republic of Peru Mauricio Mulder and several APRA members.

On August 20, Construcción Civil announced a national strike against the García Pérez government for allegedly not fulfilling its electoral promises. The national political class, led by Luis González Posada, has rejected this demonstration as inconsistent and has even accused Ollanta Humala of provoking this act. As a sign of austerity, Alan García enrolled in the Social Health Security (EsSalud) on 22 August 2006, also giving up the life insurance that Alejandro Toledo had.

Just the next day, the Yanacocha Mine closed its operations completely, in the face of protests from the community members. Quickly, Jorge Del Castillo, Juan Valdivia Romero and Pilar Mazzetti were branded as ineffective in their positions for allowing the conflict to lead to such an outcome. On August 29, after an arduous negotiation in the Presidency of the Council of Ministers, an agreement was reached to attend to the needs of Cajamarca and for Yanacocha to reopen its doors.

On September 8, 2006, he began the project against illiteracy, accompanied by José Antonio Chang and Susana Pinilla. His government will invest close to 350,000,000 soles a year to support this project, hoping to end illiteracy in the year 2011. On September 19, he announced that teachers and students would be evaluated, in order to support the literacy plan. The next day, he received his first major demonstration against his government, led by the General Confederation de Trabajadores del Perú and Ollanta Humala, causing great congestion in the main transit routes of Lima. The purpose of the march was to demand that García fulfill his electoral promises.

So that there are no more traffic accidents, García launched the "Zero Tolerance" plan, with which he seeks to ensure that those vehicles that do not comply, even if it is a requirement, cannot circulate on the roads. He was accompanied by Verónica Zavala Lombardi. On January 8, 2007, the evaluation of teachers in Peru was carried out, a program that was rejected by the Unitary Union of Education Workers of Peru and its general secretary Caridad Montes for considering it inadequate, and also because of the demonization of which the teachers were being victims; the process was proposed by President García with the approval of important political and social leaders. On January 11, 2007, the Congress of the Republic rejected its project to apply the death penalty for those who commit acts of terrorism, voting in favor of Aprismo and Fujimorismo and against the nationalists, upepists, National Unity and members of the Parliamentary Alliance. However, on the same day, he proposed a referendum to consult the people on this matter, even though a constitutional change would have to be made beforehand since the Magna Carta does not allow referendums to restrict fundamental rights (in this case life).

On this matter, he received criticism from the two opposition leaders. Ollanta Humala expressed his rejection of the President's opinions on the raid before the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, stating that Peru had to abide by the ruling. In the same way, Lourdes Flores Nano stated that García can no longer "have whims" as he had during his first term in the case of the nationalization of the banks and the failure to pay the external debt.

A few days after completing his constitutional mandate, in July 2011, his second term was approved by approximately 42% of Peruvians, recovering from its lowest level, 19%, reached in September 2008.

Disputes

The policies of Alan García, who despite photographic evidence has not recognized the existence of uncontacted indigenous people in the territory of Peru, have been roundly criticized by indigenous groups in the country, because he has facilitated access to the indigenous lands for the exploitation of their resources.

On June 5, 2009, Interior Minister Mercedes Cabanillas ordered police to retake roads taken by Amazon Indians who had blocked them in the Bagua region. The indigenous people of the Peruvian jungle, historically relegated by the extractivist policies of the governments, demonstrated against the special decrees that had been decreed by the Executive Branch, which regulated the exploitation of uncultivated lands for the exploitation of non-renewable natural resources and renewable. According to official information from the state, a total of 10 indigenous people died (although local residents indicate that there were many more) and 24 policemen. According to some witnesses, the bodies of the murdered indigenous people were thrown into the rivers. Some of the police sent were apparently executed by a group of indigenous people, despite being unarmed. The state broadcast a television spot calling the indigenous people extremists and showing images of some murdered police officers; many described that spot as promoting hate, which is why it was broadcast only a few times on television. Two Belgian investigators witnessed the incidents and narrated the events in a video by the human rights NGO Survival International. These facts could not be confirmed. neither by the Ombudsman's Office nor by the special mission sent by the UN. There is a film about it, "The Clash of Two Worlds", which provides details of the events that occurred, with videos of the defendants and the statements of politicians and influential figures on Peruvian television, such as "I am not leaving to be left without electricity because you have a problem that you do not want to discuss» by Mariella Balbi, among others.

In 2016 and 2017, five of its former ministers were summoned for corruption cases in relation to the Odebrecht company.

Economic policy

Alan García distanced himself from social democracy and the welfare state project, denouncing social movements, indigenous peoples, environmentalists and the left as enemies of the country's modernization. He named personalities from the conservative right, such as Rafael Rey, for key government positions. Alan García continues the economic policy of Alejandro Toledo. Thus, the Free Trade Agreements with the United States and Thailand will be strengthened with the Treaties with Chile and Mexico. The treaty with the United States provides for the privatization of natural and energy resources, the sale of concessions in the heart of the Amazon jungle to attract private capital, the sale of land on which peasant and indigenous communities settle, the reduction of taxes on the mining industry and the privatization of water for agricultural irrigation.

In August 2006, Peru's international reserves reached a historical record. As part of the new integration with Chile, this country has committed to promoting the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement to accept Peru as full member, making it the "P5". On September 20, 2006, it was announced that the future FTA with Singapore would be in its third round of negotiations.

Ministers of State

On July 27, 2006, Alan García announced the members of his first Council of Ministers, which is chaired by Jorge Del Castillo, a close friend of García Pérez and general secretary of the Aprista Party. Five women stand out, the highest in Peruvian history and one of the highest in Latin America, in addition to numerous independents and workers of the Toledo regime, while only seven Apristas make up the Council. With Mazzetti's resignation in February 2007, five women remained and an Aprista was added to the Cabinet.

Between August 12 and 15, Housing Minister Hernán Garrido Lecca had a verbal exchange with the congressman of the Republic of Peru and former head of that sector Carlos Bruce, for allegedly having lied to the country with works that would be carried out without tenders. The next day they met with Jorge Del Castillo to settle their differences. », charging for the quotas, money that would be delivered to his trusted people and even to Alejandro Toledo. Likewise, Pilar Mazzetti was denounced for allegedly having placed her close friend in a position in the Ministry of the Interior of Peru who had disappeared in 2005.

On August 25, 2006, they appeared before the Congress of the Republic of Peru in an anecdotal session, in order to obtain a vote of confidence. During his presentation, parliamentarian Víctor Andrés García Belaúnde announced the death of Valentín Paniagua, interrupting Del Castillo's presentation. Later it was confirmed that he had not died, causing relief but discomfort among those present, who had given him a minute of silence as a "posthumous" tribute. Then, the congressman Miró Ruiz, gave some "knee pads" to the Head of the MEM since, according to him and his representatives, the government negotiates "on its knees" with the mining companies.

Finally, after the debate in plenary session, they obtained the support of the Aprista Party, National Unity, the Fujimorista Parliamentary Group and the Parliamentary Alliance. Members of Unión por el Perú abstained, while the Peruvian Nationalist Party voted against. On September 9, 2006, he appointed Arturo Woodman of Unidad Nacional as president of the Peruvian Sports Institute and despite not being a ministry, has the rank of such.

On February 24, 2007, Pilar Mazzetti resigned from the Interior office, being the first casualty from the Cabinet headed by Jorge Del Castillo. Mazzetti Soler was replaced in office by fellow Aprista Luis Alva Castro, who was sworn in on February 26 of the same year. He had a similar problem when Juan José Salazar resigned from the Agriculture portfolio, being replaced by the agricultural businessman Ismael Benavides Ferreyros.

In October 2007, President García announced ministerial changes under Jorge Del Castillo, ratifying him in some way in office. This could be considered a "historical milestone" in Peru, since it is the first time that there is talk of ministerial changes without the departure of the president of the Council of Ministers. Among the rumors of departure from the press were Verónica Zavala Lombardi, María Zavala Valladares and Carlos Vallejos Sologuren. Likewise, there was also talk of a "castling" for Susana Pinilla to go to the Ministry of Women and another one for Luis Alva Castro will move to the Ministry of Defense, although it was also speculated that Mercedes Cabanillas would take that position.

However, on December 19 the Ministerial changes were announced and there were 6 changes, 2 rotations and 4 new Ministers, who were sworn in on December 20, 2007. In addition, on May 13, 2008, the Ministry of the Environment, being its first holder, Antonio Brack Egg. He was sworn in on May 16 of the same year, during the V LAC-EU Summit.

Alan García in 2007.

Post second presidency

Alan García, as he offered during the 2011 electoral campaign, made himself available to the new head of state to serve the interests of Peru in the manner required.

In addition, he also dedicated himself to writing opinion articles, mainly on his internal and external vision, focused primarily on reducing poverty in Peru, increasing foreign investment and issues related to the growth of the Peruvian economy with social sensitivity.

The salary increase for the ministers carried out in February 2014 was harshly criticized by the former president, who during his government cut the salary of the members of his Cabinet by half, which, according to the spokesmen for the ruling party, caused a brain drain from the state apparatus. Through his Twitter account, he described the measure as "the big deal."

2016 General Election

In 2016, she ran for the presidential elections of Peru in search of a third term, this time with the Alianza Popular political alliance in which the Peruvian Aprista Party and the Christian Popular Party joined for the first time, being the vice-presidential candidate, Lourdes Flores. However, García did not achieve the expected success, obtaining only 6% of the vote.

Investigations for illegal acts

Mega Commission

In 2013, a mega-commission was formed which lasted five years to investigate the alleged irregularities of the second government of Alan García, headed by the nationalist Sergio Tejada. Of the eight cases that the mega-commission analyzed, in none of them did the commission was able to continue the investigations against the former president because he filed an amparo action against the Commission alleging the violation of due process. As a consequence of this, the Judiciary annulled all the proceedings regarding García, thus preventing the continuation of the investigation.

Departure order and asylum request

In his last years García lived between Lima and Madrid. In November 2018, he returned to Peru to attend a tax summons. However, prosecutors requested an impediment to leave the country.

Publicly questioned in reference to some 24 million dollars in bribes allegedly paid by the company Odebrecht to his government, on November 15, 2018 Alan García denied what he had denounced and confronted some Peruvian media, to finally declare:

«So they say, twenty million (dollars) minus the eight they gave to the vice minister (Jorge Cuba Hidalgo), the other twelve should be from Alan García. Prove it then, idiots, prove it. Find something."

On November 17, 2018, the Second Anti-Corruption Preparatory Investigation Court, accepting the request of prosecutor José Domingo Pérez, issued a restraining order from leaving the country for eighteen months against Alan García for the case Line 1 of the Lima Metro, being the questionable public work of the company Odebrecht. Despite the fact that upon learning of this news, the former president stated that he accepted the judicial mandate, even assuring that he did not consider it as a sanction to be eighteen months in his homeland, he proceeded to take refuge in the embassy of Uruguay and request diplomatic asylum alleging an alleged political persecution. Thus, on November 18, 2018, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Peru reported that the ambassador of the Oriental Republic of Uruguay had informed him of the entry of the former president to his residence and the request for diplomatic asylum. The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Uruguay, Rodolfo Nin Novoa, reported that Uruguay had decided to process the asylum request. On November 20, 2018, the Peruvian Foreign Ministry delivered a diplomatic note to the Uruguayan ambassador, Carlos Barros, regarding the request for diplomatic asylum presented by Alan García, expressing the position of the Peruvian government and denying the existence of political persecution. On December 3, 2018, the Uruguayan government denied García diplomatic asylum, indicating that "in Peru the three powers of the State, especially the Judiciary which is carrying out investigations of eventual economic crimes" and that in this sense "we invite the Mr. Alan Garcia to leave our diplomatic residence». That same morning García had to leave said headquarters. Shortly after it was learned that the former president had tried to obtain asylum from the governments of Costa Rica and Colombia, being rejected in both cases.

Investigation processes in the Odebrecht case and preliminary arrest warrant

On January 4, Alan García appeared before the prosecution as a witness to testify in the investigation against Miguel Atala (former vice president of PetroPerú), for having received a bribe from the Odebrecht company. On April 12, it was learned that the Prosecutor's Office had requested an impediment to leave the country against the former Secretary General of the Presidency of the Republic during the government of Alan García Luis Nava Guibert and his son, upon learning that between them they received illegal payments for 4.5 million dollars from Odebrecht. On April 16, the Judiciary ordered the preliminary detention of Alan García for 10 days, as well as his former Secretary General of the Presidency Luis Nava.

However, on October 6, 2022, Andorra blocked 37 million in Odebrecht bribes from the environment of the late former president Alan García, which corroborated. https://panamahoy.com.pa/2022/10/06/andorra-bloquea-37-millones-en-sobornos-de-odebrecht-del-entorno-del-fallecido-ex-presidente-alan-garcia-y- ricardo-martinelli/

Arrest and suicide

Investigation processes in the Odebrecht case and preliminary arrest warrant

On January 4, Alan García appeared before the prosecution as a witness to testify in the investigation against Miguel Atala (former vice president of PetroPerú), for having received a bribe from the Odebrecht company. On April 12, it was learned that the Prosecutor's Office had requested an impediment to leave the country against the former Secretary General of the Presidency of the Republic during the government of Alan García Luis Nava Guibert and his son, upon learning that between them they received illegal payments for 4.5 million dollars from Odebrecht. On April 16, the Judiciary ordered the preliminary detention of Alan García for 10 days, as well as his former Secretary General of the Presidency Luis Nava.

At 6:27 (UTC-5) on April 17, 2019, after the preliminary arrest warrant was known, a representative of the public prosecutor's office accompanied by the Peruvian National Police arrived at the former president's house to arrest him. According to the Minister of the Interior Carlos Morán, García entered his room with the supposed intention of calling his lawyer, immediately afterwards (6:31 UTC-5) a shot rang out that alerted the personnel who were in the residence. The police forced the door of the room and verified that the Aprista leader had shot himself in the head. He was taken to the Casimiro Ulloa Hospital by the Peruvian National Police and was admitted to the hospital in a very serious condition. After four hours of hospitalization, leaders of the Aprista party and Nidia Vílchez confirmed that Alan García died as a result of the shot.

In a statement, the hospital regretted the death at 10:05 a.m. from a massive cerebral hemorrhage and cardiorespiratory arrest.

Funeral

Foreign Office of the People's House, headquarters of the Peruvian Aprist Party and place of the funerals of Alan García. Even at midnight of the day before the burial, hundreds of people made long queues so that they could enter and dismiss the ex-mandatory.

When the suicide was known, by protocol the National Flag was hoisted at half mast in public buildings, military bases, ships, police establishments and other State dependencies and official mourning was decreed. As indicated in the protocol, the family was told that the transfer of the mortal remains of the former president to the place of the wake would be "in private" and the religious ceremonies would have "official assistance" from the State. President Martín Vizcarra or a representative had to lead the funeral procession together with the relatives, which pays the same honors to those invested with the presidential sash and grants the military honors contemplated in the Land Ceremonial Regulations and Military Protocol for the Armed Forces and the National Police. However, the family made the decision not to accept the official funeral protocol, but to hold an independent funeral at the Casa del Pueblo, headquarters of the Peruvian Aprista Party. The wake was attended by various personalities from Peruvian politics and society, including: Lourdes Flores Nano, Luis Bedoya Reyes, Jorge Muñoz Wells, Beatriz Merino, Ántero Flores Aráoz, Juan Luis Cipriani, Carlos Scull (representative of the interim government of Juan Guaidó in Venezuela), Ollanta Humala (prevented from approaching the coffin due to the imposition of Federico Dantón, Alan García's youngest son), Alfredo Barnechea, Luis Castañeda Lossio, among others.

Reactions

Various Peruvian and foreign authorities and personalities expressed their condolences to the family on the death of the former president. Public opinion was more polarized on social media.

Conspiracy Theories

Around the death of Alan García, various conspiracy theories were woven through social networks; the most striking is the one that says that the former president did not commit suicide and his body was replaced by a person physically similar to him, for this reason the coffin was closed at the time of the wake, there is no blood spilled in the house where the crime was committed suicide and neither in the van where he was taken to the hospital and it ends that the real García is somewhere in Europe.

Jaime Bayly narrates that a man believed to be Alan García is alive in Switzerland and said: "Alan is alive. Alan lives. Jaime Bayly also said that the president "went out of the roof, jumped from the neighboring roofs and hid in the false room of a nearby house... they killed that morning, with a bullet to the head, in Alan's bedroom, a tall, bulky man, much like Alan."

Posts

• The different future. (1982)
• To the vast majority: speeches. (1988)
• Financial disarmament: people and debt in Latin America. (1989)
• The Regional Revolution. (1990)
• The defense of Alan García (1991).
• The new totalitarianism (1992)
• The World of Machiavelli (1994)
• The false modernity. (1997)
• Radio is closer to people (1997)
• Seven misrepresentations of neoliberalism in Latin America. (1997)
• My Government made regionalization. (1999)
• The infamous decade: external debt 1990-1999. (2000)
• Modernity and politics in the 21st century: globalization with social justice. (2003)
• To understand the twentieth century and begin the century of youth (2004)
• Consolidation of the Republic (2004)
• Sierra Exportadora - Employment, Modernity and Justice in Los Andes. (2005)
• Peru makes speeches (June 2006-2007)
• Against economic fear: Believe in Peru. (2011)
• Ask for the word: For freedom, fullness and success. (2012)
• Pizarro: The king of the deck: Politics, confusion and pain in conquest. (2012)
• Ninety years of aprism: There are, brothers, much to do. (2013)
• Confucius and Globalization: Understand China and grow with it. (2013)
• The creation of the Pacific Alliance (2014)
• Complete works IX tomos (2015)
• Metamemories_1949-2019 (2019)

Filmography

In 2011, businessman Raúl Diez Canseco Hartinger, son of the former Vice President of the Republic, Raúl Diez Canseco Terry, announced that he was preparing a film with his production company Zeid Film about the life of the two-time president, also said that the actor Jason Day would be the protagonist, the production promised, since the first teaser of the trailer that had been prepared shows the newly elected President at 35 years old, leaving the Government Palace on a motorcycle at full speed, to conquer the mythical night 80's Lima. The director of the film would be Ricardo Maldonado, but he denied this statement. Finally the film was not made and the reasons are unknown.

The second attempt to bring García's life and work to the cinema, would be in charge of the film director Melina León, who hopes to release a film about his private life, his political life, his two non-consecutive terms as President of the Peru, its supposed tragic end and the legacy that still generates controversies and topics of debate in current Peruvian society, its premiere is expected for 2028.